The longtime congressman, who had just finished a workout, spoke with JNS as he was preparing to head home to Bellevue, Wash., for the July 4 weekend.

He told JNS that democratic socialists are exploiting income inequality to promote policies, which he thinks will fail, and that many antisemites are trying to mask their Jew-hatred as criticism of Israeli politics.

A full-on socialist model has never succeeded anywhere on earth, according to the congressman.

“Throughout the history of this country, whenever we’ve been in these places before, regulated capitalism has worked,” he told JNS. “Being against capitalism is like being against gravity. It just is.”

Capitalism “recognizes that people tend to follow their selfish interests at times,” he said.

The congressman didn’t say that he got the idea of financial benefits of selfish interests from 18th century Scottish economist Adam Smith, who famously referred to an “invisible hand,” but Rep. Smith told JNS that “my namesake was in favor of regulated capitalism.”

A “dedicated group” in the democratic socialist movement doesn’t believe “fundamentally” in the American democratic experiment, according to the Washington Democrat.

“They think white, Western culture is oppressive, racist, bigoted, terrible and that America represents that and that must be smashed,” he said.

JNS asked Smith about former U.S. vice president Kamala Harris meeting recently with democratic socialists.

“First of all, Kamala Harris is a bad national candidate. She should step aside,” he said. “It’s sad that she’s still trying.”

“She had her chance, OK?” he added. “We can all make excuses, but let’s move on.”

Smith also called former U.S. President Joe Biden a “terrible candidate in 2020, just as much as he was in 2024.”

“I am not a Joe Biden fan,” he told JNS. “I think that really, really hurt us.”

Smith said that he likes Sen. Mark Kelly (D-Ariz.), a retired astronaut who is married to former congresswoman Gabby Giffords, as a potential presidential candidate.

There are “a lot of qualified Democrats out there,” he said, naming Pennsylvania Gov. Josh Shapiro, who is Jewish, as well as Kentucky Gov. Andy Beshear and Maryland Gov. Wes Moore.

“The question is, will our party allow someone to be themselves, or are we going to do the interest group thing?” he said. “This group doesn’t want me to say that, and that group wants me to say this, and that group over there wants me to say that. So I better use the right word, and I better not say that.”

“You come out like plastic, and you don’t even know what you believe anymore, because you’re simply trying to adhere to whatever the ideological requirements are of the moment,” he said. “I want a candidate who says, ‘Yeah, f*** that. This is what I believe, and if you don’t believe that, let’s have an argument.’”

That, in fact, is one of the strengths of U.S. President Donald Trump, according to Smith.

“He’s doing what he’s doing, which is disastrous in my mind, but it gives him an authenticity thing that we don’t have,” he told JNS.

Smith told JNS that U.S. Secretary of State Marco Rubio would be a better choice than U.S. Vice President JD Vance as the next Republican presidential candidate.

“Vance, I don’t know what that guy believes, but he goes in a lot of strange directions,” he said. “He’s smart enough, but Rubio at times has proven himself to be capable of being reasonable, which is why I don’t think he’s got a hope in hell of actually getting the nomination.”

‘Somebody screaming in your face’

Smith, who was born in Washington, D.C., but raised in Washington state, worked his way through college by loading trucks for United Parcel Service.

After law school, he worked as an attorney before serving as a prosecutor for the city of Seattle and as a pro tem judge. In 1991, he was elected to the Washington state Senate, and in 1996, he won his seat in the House.

He spoke to JNS in his office, which reflects his Pacific Northwest roots. Photographs of Washington state landscapes covered the blue walls, and hundreds of military challenge coins, collected during his years as the top Democrat on the House Armed Services Committee, filled a glass coffee table and a bowl on his desk.

Nearby, a figurine of a shark with a laser beam attached to its head, which sat on an end table, was a gift connected to his work on simplifying amphibious landing craft.

Smith’s son works in Virginia for a private company, and his daughter, Kendall, 25, is a legislative assistant for Rep. Lizzie Fletcher (D-Texas). “She works in the building,” Smith told JNS. “Kendall’s two floors down. Today I was like, ‘Let’s grab a sandwich. If you’re around, do you want to come?’ So she came, sat down and chatted.”

On a more serious topic, he told JNS about the recent Washington State Democratic Party platform, which blames the Israeli government for the rise in Jew-hatred worldwide.

Jews who might have lobbied the party not to include the offensive language likely avoided the state’s convention in June, because “you’re gonna have somebody screaming in your face about what an awful human being you are,” Smith told JNS.

“You saw what happened with Scott Wiener down in San Francisco,” he said. “I’ve lived that. There has been a concentrated campaign that can only be described as threats, intimidation and harassment. Not just against me, against my family, against my staff, against my neighbors.”

Anti-Israel activists have protested outside Smith’s home in Bellevue and vandalized it. The husband of his political opponent, socialist Kshama Sawant, allegedly assaulted one of Smith’s staffers.

“It is not an accident that the folks on the far left use threats, harassment and intimidation,” Smith told JNS. “They are actively trying to silence people who disagree with them.”

“If you’re an average person just wanting to show up at a district Democrat meeting, and you say something people disagree with, and you’re going to get screamed at or maybe get fired, people aren’t going to want to do that,” he said.

“That is completely outside of what America is supposed to be about: robust debate and difference of opinion,” he said.

Smith told JNS that activists have “lumped in” Israel with “white Western culture.”

“I guess we’re not going to count the fact that the Jews were there in the first place. We’ll go back however many thousand years for different indigenous people but not for the Jews,” he said. “It has become a proxy for that larger argument that white Western culture is wrong, settler colonialism is wrong, Israel shouldn’t have existed in the first place.”

“I don’t believe everyone who is opposed to Israel is an antisemite, but it certainly gives ground for the antisemites to go find a place to hang out,” he said.

‘Weird idea of fun’

When he isn’t confronting Jew-hatred on both sides of the aisle and decrying democratic socialism, what does the congressman do for fun, JNS asked.

“I really haven’t had fun,” he told JNS, citing the U.S. president as the reason.

“I felt Trump, forgive me, is a fundamental threat to the American experiment, and I had to be a voice, and I could see that the voices that were going to rise up against Trump were going to be extreme in their own way,” he said.

“I felt more of an obligation in the last 18 months to be everywhere,” he told JNS.

“I need to maybe give it a break from time to time,” he told JNS. “I still follow sports. I still like to read.” Smith just finished reading a trilogy by author Tana French, and Liane Moriarty is one of his favorite writers.

“I have a weird idea of fun,” he admitted.

Smith exercises and takes walks in his neighborhood but is “always thinking while I’m walking,” he said.

Fine, 32, who owns a commercial film and photography studio in Minneapolis, said he became involved in state politics after antisemitism surged in the wake of the Hamas-led terrorist attacks in southern Israel on Oct. 7, 2023.

"Antisemitism went insane after the war started," he said. "A lot of these people found a home in the Democratic Party. A lot of people who hate Jews. A lot of pro-Hamas activists in Minnesota. So I went to the Republican party state convention and said, 'Hey, I want to help you guys win.'"

Fine, whose birthday is July 4, told JNS, "I'm a proud American Jew who reached a point where I felt I couldn't sit by and do nothing."

According to Fine, he drafted the resolution and worked to move it through multiple levels of the party's platform process, serving as resolutions chair for both his state Senate district and congressional district before joining the nine-member 2026 Platform Committee.

"I'm very happy that the Republican Party of Minnesota adopted the IHRA definition of antisemitism," he said. "I’m aware that there have been other efforts in the past to pass resolutions condemning antisemitism or expressing support for Israel in the MNGOP platform. I don’t know a lot about them, but as far as I can tell, most of them died quietly somewhere in the process."

Fine told JNS that the previous platform contained a foreign policy statement recognizing Israel's right to defend itself, but that he felt it wasn't enough to "address the domestic antisemitism American Jews are facing here at home."

"I wanted language that was explicit about antisemitism, grounded in a recognized definition and placed in the civil‑rights section of the platform where it belongs," he said.

Fine said he hopes Minnesota will eventually codify the IHRA definition into state law for use by law enforcement and schools.

"Codifying the IHRA definition into state law won’t solve antisemitism on its own, but it would make it much harder for institutions to ignore or minimize it when it appears, and much easier for them to act consistently," he said. "If our political bodies adopt the IHRA definition of antisemitism, that will signal that we have succeeded in changing the culture."

Fine said more Jews should become active in both major political parties.

"There are millions of Jews in the U.S. and nearly 70,000 in Minnesota," Fine told JNS. "Very few of us are deeply engaged in the political process. But I'm an individual, and look what I was able to accomplish. If even a few dozen, or a hundred, more Jews were willing to organize and step up into party structures like I did, imagine what could be possible."

"I don't have any huge backing or secret society or anything behind me," he said. "I just decided I wanted to see a change in what was happening, and I went about trying to make it happen, and it worked."

"We need that same level of vigor and participation on both sides," Fine said. "We need to show up with the Democrats, too. We just have to brave it. If people are going to be aggressive with us, deal with it. That's how we get stuff done."

In an interview on CNN’s “State of the Union” on Sunday, Shapiro declined to address speculation about a possible 2028 presidential run, saying instead that he remains focused on governing Pennsylvania.

“What I have found in my years of service in government is that the public wants you to be who you are,” the governor said. “Let them know what motivates you to serve and why you do this work.”

“I think that that is uniquely American, this idea that we all have a responsibility to get off the sidelines, get in the game, and do our part,” he told CNN. “That’s what my faith teaches me. That's how my family raised me. That is who I am, and I'm not going to apologize for it.”

Shapiro also called Pennsylvania “the ultimate swing state,” stating that “America can learn a lot from what happens here in Pennsylvania politically and otherwise.”

Asked about divisions within the Democratic Party, Shapiro said the party is engaged in an ideological struggle over its direction and messaging ahead of future elections.

“I expect our party over the course of this next year or so to go through a battle about what we believe in, and then come out unified in a way that we can take the fight to the other side and really deliver for the American people,” he said.

Shapiro's comments come as Democrats continue to wrestle with internal divisions over Israel. The party has recently nominated several candidates aligned with its progressive wing, while some prominent Democrats have welcomed the support of far-left voices, including streamer Hasan Piker, who has referred to the Israel Defense Forces as a "Nazi army" and called Orthodox Jews "inbred."

Among those candidates is Darializa Avila Chevalier, a democratic socialist and community organizer who defeated Rep. Adriano Espaillat (D-N.Y.), chairman of the Congressional Hispanic Caucus, in last month's Democratic primary for a New York City congressional seat. Avila Chevalier was one of three left-wing House primary winners endorsed by New York City Mayor Zohran Mamdani.

The governor was asked about Chevallier’s support for abolishing prisons and ending deportations, and her appearance at a pro-Palestinian rally a day after the Hamas attack against Israel on Oct. 7, 2023.

"Her district voted for her, but I have profound differences with that particular candidate, based on the citations that you read there," Shapiro said.

"She's not someone who seemingly I would agree with on many things or that we share similar values,” he added. “She ran on the Democratic ticket, I guess, as a socialist. Her voters in that district determined that she was the one they wanted representing them."

He also criticized U.S. President Donald Trump and U.S. Vice President JD Vance, stating that they “are trying not to lift up all Americans, but to divide Americans and to try and put us in different buckets, different tiers and try and say who’s more American than someone else.”

“And that, in and of itself, is un-American,” he said.

So, God laughs. “Are you meshuga, Satan? Are you feeling suicidal? Don’t you know I have all the best players in history up here in heaven?”

So Satan emits one of those infamously wicked cackles and, with a snicker, says, “Yes, God. You may have the players, but I have the referees!”

Let me share a message from soccer for our Jewish lives.

Every game has rules, and we may not always be allowed to tamper with them. We can, of course, suggest some fine-tuning. Indeed, over the years, the technical regulations have changed from time to time: the golden goal rule, the exact definition of offside, the introduction of the VAR system using video review to help officials make decisions and more. But the basics of the game haven’t changed.

For example, no one has ever suggested that to make the game more exciting and allow higher scores, we should move the goalposts. Nor has anyone ever recommended that we introduce a second ball in the game. With more balls come more chances and more goals, and the game would be much more entertaining.

Such ideas would be anathema to players and fans. Everyone understands that changing such basic rules could be different and even exciting—but then again, that’s no longer soccer. You can call it Australian football, Padel or whatever you like, but soccer it is not.

How many times have I been asked to change the rules of Judaism? Too many!

“Rabbi, so what if the girl’s conversion wasn’t done by an Orthodox beit din? Be tolerant. Be flexible. Do the wedding. You’ll make so many people happy.”

“Rabbi, so what of it’s not certified kosher? It’s only fish. Don’t be so rigid!”

Believe it or not, rabbis aren’t mean people. Sure, they’d like to accommodate requests and make everyone happy. Still, if you change the fundamental, eternal rules of the Jewish faith, it may seem very nice, but that isn’t Judaism!

Many years ago, I got a phone call from an elderly woman asking me a question on halachah, Jewish law. She wanted to make her own wine for Passover. The problem was that she only had whisky barrels. Could she use them? she asked.

I explained to her very gently that whisky is pure chametz, which is forbidden on the holiday, and if she used the barrels, the end result would unfortunately not be kosher for Passover.

She said, “Rabbi, I’m an old woman. I haven’t got enough money to buy new barrels now. Can’t you give me a dispensation?”

I replied, “I’m afraid I cannot change the halachah, so I cannot give you a dispensation. What I can do is give you a donation so you can buy new barrels for Pesach.”

If we move the goalposts, it may sound compassionate, but it’s not Judaism.

This is but one message from the current global football festival; there are many. I will add just one. This year, one particular team took the world by surprise: Cape Verde, or Cabo Verde. It qualified while many larger countries did not. They went on to win matches and ended their adventure with a thrilling battle against world champions Argentina, who they came very close to beating.

Most people on our planet have never even heard of Cape Verde and have no idea where it is. They couldn’t find it on a map.

Indeed, it is a collection of little islands off the coast of West Africa with a population of a little more than 500,000. And yet, such a tiny country went so far in this prestigious international competition. With no superstars and no expensive strikers, they shocked the world and earned global respect.

What a powerful lesson from their courageous story. Strength is not measured by size alone. Effort, energy and passion can be more vital than raw talent. What hope and encouragement it gives to the smaller countries of the world!

I can’t help but think of Israel, a country so small that there isn’t even any space on a world map to spell out its name. And yet, look what a strong and mighty nation it has become in only 78 years.

Israel is a world leader in so many areas—technologically, medically, academically and agriculturally. It has leading museums, culture and the arts. Equally important, it is a military powerhouse, able to defend itself against the combined forces of a hostile region. You can say that such hostility has made it strong.

May we all learn valuable lessons from “football” (soccer, if you prefer). But don’t move the goalposts. Values and moral principles are not negotiable. And greatness is not defined by quantity, but by quality. Every one of us can make a real difference, no matter our strength, size or resources.

At the end of the day, the ultimate final is not Argentina versus France, or whatever team will be the finalists this year. The true competition is between good and evil, light and darkness, heaven and hell.

Let’s hope we will all be on the winning team, bringing honor and glory to God’s world.

Platner was “deeply intoxicated," even “almost blackout drunk,” when he entered Racicot's unlocked home without permission in late 2021 and "forced himself on her while she repeatedly told him to stop,” the magazine reported.

“I remember the specific moment where I thought to myself, like, ‘This is no longer my choice,’” Racicot told Politico.

The anti-Israel candidate, who has accused Israel of "genocide" and has gone after Sen. Susan Collins (R-Maine) for her support of the Jewish state, stated that he is reflecting on "the best path forward" for his campaign. The campaign canceled multiple scheduled events today.

Platner and Racicot reportedly had a relationship between 2019 and 2021.

She told the magazine that the day after the rape, Platner said that he didn't remember what happened. She said that she didn't file a police report because she felt “uncomfortable potentially telling a police officer about such a personal experience, and feared retaliation from Platner.”

She told her therapist and the next man she dated. The magazine said that it reviewed some documentation of those conversations.

Platner has also faced backlash for having a Nazi symbol tattoo, which he has since covered up.

“Any accusation of non-consensual behavior is categorically false,” Platner stated on Monday. "Regardless of the inaccuracy of the reporting, but mindful of the political reality it will inflict, we are taking the time to reflect on the best path forward."

Former Democratic National Committee chair Donna Brazile called on Platner to "step aside" and said that he "needs time to heal, focus on his family and well-being."

“It shows that Hamas is under pressure; they're cornered,” the source told JNS. “So what they’re trying to say is, ‘Look, we’re not the problem, we’re not the one saying no. The technocratic committee can come in, take over our bankrupt economy, our broken services, our mountains of debt and all of our problems, and we’ll just keep our weapons and keep power.’”

Hamas’s Government Media Office said the designated terrorist organization is prepared to hand over administrative control of Gaza to a Palestinian technocratic body under the Board of Peace framework, known as the National Committee for the Administration of Gaza, intended to serve as a transitional governing authority.

However, the statement made no mention of Hamas’s disarmament, a central condition of the U.S.-brokered Israel-Hamas ceasefire agreement that took effect in January.

According to the source, Hamas is attempting to shift responsibility onto the international community while avoiding the core requirements of the agreement, which include a sequenced process of disarmament, deployment of an international security force, installation of the NCAG and a formal transfer of authority.

“What they're trying to do is more of a sham,” the source told JNS, accusing Hamas of wanting “to shovel off the sh*t, which is taking care of people and actually providing electricity and water. They want to hand over that and keep power and money.”

The source also said Hamas is struggling to pay the government employee salaries, adding, “We can do it, but we're not paying the salaries of a Hamas state. We'll pay the salaries when they hand over authority and transfer to the NCAG.”

If it’s not a game that Hamas is playing, and they are serious about a governing transition, “they can prove it by signing the sequencing agreement,” the source told JNS.

“If they come around next week, sign the agreement on how to disarm and give up their tunnels and give up their light and heavy weapons and hand over authority properly, then great,” the source said. “But what we’re seeing is instead they're trying to position themselves through the media and through announcements that they're doing these wonderful steps that in practice don't mean anything.”

The Board of Peace aims to “move fast on some things,” including pilot projects to construct shelters outside Hamas control, to be gradually expanded under the protection of a multinational security force that would replace the Israel Defense Forces in those areas.

The NCAG, based in Cairo while awaiting deployment, is prepared to assume administrative responsibilities in Gaza. However, officials acknowledge the scale of the challenge after more than two years of war.

“Are they ready to take over all of Gaza on day one? No, but nobody is,” the source said of the NCAG. “It's a colossal undertaking, but I think they'd be ready to start taking over services and start taking over some of the supply chain and making things hygienic pretty quickly if Hamas disarmed and was not actively trying to undermine them from doing that.”

That is now the challenge facing Israel.

The American body politic is changing in ways that Israel can no longer ignore. Public opinion has shifted sharply against Israel, especially among Democrats, independents and younger voters in both parties, constituting a dramatic reversal from long-standing U.S. opinion. Even if Washington remains formally committed to Israel’s security, the domestic foundation for that support is becoming less stable.

This is not an argument for downgrading the alliance with the United States. It is an argument for more strategic autonomy—for reducing Israel’s exposure to pressure from any single capital, however friendly. That means broadening and deepening ties with key European countries, the European Union and NATO.

Five macro trends make this case urgent.

First, an increasingly influential ideological coalition is gaining strength across the West: a mix of hard leftist groups, Third Worldists and Islamists who use the shibboleths of capitalism, oppressors/oppressed, colonizers/decolonizers and Free Palestine to craft a grand narrative that seeks to delegitimize Israel and undermine the West. In New York City, Mayor Zohran Mamdani’s radical progressive slate showed how this grand narrative can become a fault line in Democratic politics.

In Britain, this alliance is radicalizing politics on the left, while Pedro Sánchez, Spain’s prime minister, has become the darling of his country’s Red-Green Alliance by taking every chance to denigrate Israel. Yet Slovenia’s abrupt change from anti-Israel to pro-Israel orientation demonstrates that these forces have not completely overtaken Western governments, even as they shape the political atmosphere in which governments operate.

Second, the U.S.-Israel relationship is entering a period of sharper and more public tension than at any point in recent memory, and it goes well beyond public opinion, reaching all the way to the top. U.S. President Donald Trump vacillates between praising Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu and insulting him; allows Israel’s freedom of action, then ridicules it; and goes from partnering with Israel to destroy the Iranian regime to sidelining Israel while Washington now seems hell-bent on supporting the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps.

A mature Israeli strategy cannot be built on the hope that personalities will solve structural problems. It must assume that Washington’s support, while perhaps enduring, may also become more conditional, more partisan and more transactional.

Third, Russian President Vladimir Putin’s war against Ukraine has transformed Europe. Germany increased military spending by 24% in 2025, according to SIPRI, crossing the 2% of GDP threshold for the first time since 1990 and setting a goal of reaching 3.1% of GDP in 2027. Poland, the Baltic states and other NATO frontline countries are spending at levels once thought politically impossible. Member-state defense spending in the European Union rose more than 30% between 2021 and 2024. This matters because Europe is becoming more security-minded, threat-conscious and open to serious defense partnerships.

Fourth, immigration and demography are changing the political map of Europe—and, with it, Israel’s national security center of gravity. Western Europe has seen migration pressures intensify identity politics and deepen the appeal of anti-Israel activism. Eurostat and the E.U. Agency for Asylum show that asylum flows remain heavily concentrated in Western and Southern Europe.

Central and Eastern Europe have generally been less transformed by these demographic trends. This suggests that Israel’s center of gravity in Europe, while still centered on the E3 group of nations, should continue shifting to Germany, Central and Eastern Europe, as well as the Eastern Mediterranean—countries that tend to think in harder strategic terms and are less susceptible to the ideological fashions of Western metropolitan politics.

This shift is already visible.

Greece, Cyprus and Israel have institutionalized trilateral cooperation on defense, security, energy and regional connectivity. Israeli leaders have recently described the Czech Republic as a “natural and stable gateway” to Central Europe and pointed to expanding trade, defense and research ties. These are not symbolic gestures; they are the scaffolding of a new European strategy.

Fifth, trade, energy and economic security are pushing in the same direction as geopolitics. The European Union is already Israel’s largest trading partner, with bilateral goods trade reaching $49.4 billion in 2025. Energy, infrastructure and trade routes could deepen that interdependence further. The EastMed-Poseidon project aims to connect Eastern Mediterranean and Gulf energy resources directly to European markets. The United States, Israel, Greece and Cyprus (3+1) recently signed a Memorandum of Intent to advance their strategic partnerships for energy security, defense and security, trade and diplomacy.

Enter IMEC. The India-Middle-East-Europe-Economic Corridor, which also has U.S. support, envisions Israel as a vital link in a shipping-and-rail corridor running from India through the Gulf to southern Europe and onward into Germany. In other words, Israel is not merely seeking European goodwill. It has the potential to become indispensable to Europe’s energy resilience, trade diversification and regional connectivity.

Israel should draw the obvious conclusion. It does not need a replacement for America. It needs options that will support Israeli, American and Western interests beyond a growing dependency on America.

That means investing diplomatic capital in Central, Eastern and Southern Europe; expanding defense-industrial cooperation with European countries that are rearming; strengthening trade and joint research opportunities with the European Union; and using frameworks like NATO’s Mediterranean Dialogue to deepen practical cooperation in maritime security, cyber defense, interoperability and critical infrastructure protection.

The U.S.-Israel alliance will remain the cornerstone of Israeli national security. But cornerstones are not structures. As the world becomes more volatile and America becomes less dependable, Israel needs to create a broader structure of support. Europe, especially those on the Continent who think strategically, must become a larger part of this future coalition.

Gottheimer, who is Jewish, is among 15 Democrats and Democratic candidates who signed a new "Promise to America" pledge declaring, "We are capitalist, not socialist." The document calls for economic growth, fiscal discipline, secure borders, public safety, and “moderation, acceptance, respect, free expression and democratic pluralism.”

"We are mainstream, not extreme," the pledge states.

Signatories include Reps. Laura Gillen (D-N.Y.), Tom Suozzi (D-N.Y.), Adam Gray (D-Calif.), Don Davis (D-N.C.), Kristen McDonald Rivet (D-Mich.), Maggie Goodlander (D-N.H.), Vicente Gonzalez (D-Texas), Janelle Bynum (D-Ore.) and Susie Lee (D-Nev.).

"I don't believe socialists are Democrats. They're socialists," Gottheimer told JNS. "Despite all their attempts to hijack the party, I believe these are not the values and ideas that Americans and Democrats are focused on."

Gottheimer, one of the House’s most outspoken pro-Israel Democrats, also said antisemitic views and positions are "growing cancers in the Democratic party, just like in the Republican party."

Comparing the Democratic Socialists of America to the Tea Party movement, he said, "They were the chaos creators. These folks are trying to do exactly the same thing, and we can’t let them."

He added that Democrats must reject positions he described as outside the party mainstream, including opposition to law enforcement, prison sentences for violent offenders and stronger border security.

"I think we need to stand up and cut it out," he said. "Make it very clear that it’s unacceptable. The leadership of the DSA made clear they think that the Democrats are just a vessel for them. They attack our leadership. They attack our views."

"Democrats are not anti-cop, and aren’t anti-prison for violent felons and criminals and don’t believe there shouldn’t be strong borders," he said. "That’s ridiculous. Some of these candidates, if you look at their views, they’re insane. They’re not at all aligned with where common sense Democrats and the majority of Democrats are."

"Socialists are not Democrats," Gottheimer reiterated.

Asked about Democrats who endorse candidates accused of antisemitism, including Maine Senate candidate Graham Platner, who recently covered up a Nazi totenkopf tattoo and has accused Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu of war crimes, Gottheimer said, “You don’t let hate or antisemitism go, and you don’t do a deal with the devil.”

"It may not come for you today, but it’ll come for you tomorrow," he said.

"I’ve got people who push back on me about that, and I’m like, really? Socialist parties have not been successful in the world in history," he told JNS. "You want to be a socialist country?”

“Iran never won a war but never lost a negotiation,” U.S. President Donald Trump stated on Jan. 3, 2020.

But experts told JNS that the Iran regime’s reputation as a master negotiator, which it is said to have displayed during the 1979 hostage crisis, the 2015 nuclear agreement and the most recent round of U.S.-Iranian negotiations surrounding a memorandum of understanding, is over-hyped.

Jason Brodsky, policy director at United Against Nuclear Iran, told JNS he would give the regime a C-plus on its abilities at the negotiating table.

“The Iranian regime is only as strong a negotiator as we allow them to be,” he said. “It takes very disciplined negotiations from the U.S. side to be able to counteract their demands.”

The Islamic Republic can be too confident in its abilities as well, according to Brodsky.

“Iran has the tendency to overplay its hand,” he told JNS. “They feel so emboldened that it is very likely they are going to overplay their hand.”

Iran has also suffered “massive damage” from which it will take years to recover and which limits its negotiating position going forward, but it can still be misunderstood if American negotiators aren’t cautious, according to Brodsky.

“The Iranian regime does not enter negotiations trying to solve problems with the United States,” he said. “It uses negotiations as an extension of its conflict with America, not a substitute for that conflict.”

Jonathan Harounoff, author of a book on protest movements for women’s rights in Iran, told JNS that depending on what exactly is being evaluated, Tehran would get mixed marks at the negotiating table.

Harounoff, who recently stepped down as international spokesman for the Israeli mission to the United Nations, gave the regime an A for its negotiation skills and ability to leverage its diplomacy to advance its interests.

“Islamic Republic negotiators are very shrewd, very skilled and they typically adopt a long-term strategy instead of a short-term one,” he told JNS.

He gave the Islamic Republic an F for what he said was its “sincerity for wanting to reach a deal that delivers actual regional peace.”

That distinction helps explain why public perceptions often differ from those of experts, and those who assess Iran primarily through its public messaging may be more inclined to give it an A, according to Harounoff.

“But those who were cognizant of the vast gulf between what the regime says and what it does in practice will likely be closer to the F grade,” he told JNS.

Stalling tactic

Annika Hernroth-Rothstein, a Jewish political adviser, writer and activist who has reported in Iran, told JNS that Western policymakers often misinterpret the regime by treating it as a conventional negotiating partner rather than a state shaped by a distinct historical and strategic worldview.

“They fail to understand what Iran is, and they also have very little insight into Persian history and culture,” she said.

The Iranian regime benefits from thinking in decades rather than election cycles, allowing it to outlast shifting Western administrations. “They understand their opponent very well,” she told JNS. “They are also good when it comes to exhaustion.”

Asked to describe Iran’s negotiating posture in a single word, she said “patient.”

“They have nothing to lose,” she told JNS. “If all you have to do is survive, Trump has to do a whole lot more than that to call this a win.”

Brodsky and Harounoff agreed.

“The Iranians prefer long drawn-out negotiations that gradually try to exhaust the other party in diplomacy in order to extract the concessions that the Islamic Republic wants,” Brodsky told JNS.

Iran’s negotiators also benefit from decades of institutional experience across multiple U.S. administrations, he said.

Electoral cycles and administrative changes don’t constrain Iran’s leaders, so the latter can afford to delay and recalibrate their approach over time, according to Harounoff.

“They have the luxury of stalling, kicking the can down the road and hoping that a future administration might view the Islamic Republic more palatably,” he told JNS.

Harounoff said that the Iranian regime must not be conflated with the people and that the “greatest misconception” about the Islamic Republic is that it in any way resembles the 93 million Iranians.

“The vast majority of Iranians want peace with the outside world,” he told JNS.

Hernroth-Rothstein echoed Brodsky’s view that the Iranian regime’s confidence could backfire for it.

“They are very proud people,” she told JNS. “I think they might overplay their hand, because they are very cocky.”

A Quinnipiac University poll released last month suggests that 59% of voters aren’t confident that the Iran deal will work, with 19% not being very confident and 40% not at all confident. Some 37% were confident that it would work—11% very confident and 26% somewhat confident.

Iran is either very likely (21%) or somewhat likely (40%) to develop nuclear weapons, 61% of the voters surveyed told pollsters, with 33% thought the opposite—21% that its not so likely and 12% not at all likely.

McMorrow's exit eliminates a moderate contender from the race for the seat being vacated by retiring Sen. Gary Peters (D-Mich.). The Aug. 4 Democratic primary winner will face former Rep. Mike Rogers, the likely Republican nominee, in one of the Democrats’ top opportunities to regain control of the Senate.

“I may be suspending this campaign, but I am not leaving the fight,” McMorrow wrote. “So here's what we do next. Every day through Nov. 3. We win this Senate seat and send Mike Rogers back to Florida for good. Whoever wins this primary on Aug. 4 will have my full support.”

Senate Minority Leader Chuck Schumer (D-N.Y.) is among the Democratic leaders backing Stevens, while frequent critics of Israel, including Sen. Bernie Sanders (I-Vt.) and Rep. Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez (D-N.Y.), have endorsed El-Sayed.

The American Israel Public Affairs Committee’s super PAC, the United Democracy Project, has spent more than $10 million to boost Stevens and oppose El-Sayed, according to Federal Election Commission filings.

El-Sayed refused during a CNN interview to affirm Israel's right to exist, has accused the Jewish state of committing genocide and has described both Israel and Hamas as “evil.” He has also campaigned with far-left streamer Hasan Piker, who has called the Israel Defense Forces a “Nazi army” and Orthodox Jews “inbred.”

Both remaining Democratic candidates quickly appealed to McMorrow's supporters.

Stevens thanked the state senator “for taking on the tough fights and making Michigan proud each and every day.”

“To Mallory’s supporters, and anybody still deciding who to support in this race—we’d be honored to have you on our team,” Stevens stated. “It’s never been more critical that we beat Mike Rogers, win this seat in November and take back control of the Senate.”

El-Sayed also praised McMorrow, saying she had shown "what it looks like to fight back against a politics that rigs the system against too many of us."

“The same party insiders she had the courage to challenge have been bullying anyone who opposes their chosen candidate,” El-Sayed wrote. “I welcome her supporters to our movement to stand up against money in politics, to put money back in pockets, and pass Medicare for All. We cannot allow the establishment to decide our nominee for us.”

America’s achievement has never been perfection. It has been continuity through self-correction, legitimacy through consent and power restrained by law.

That is why this moment matters far beyond the United States.

Across the world, history is presenting a stark counterimage: one nation celebrating the endurance of institutions that outlast individuals, and another still struggling under the legacy of a political order that placed ideology above development, coercion above accountability and permanent confrontation above national renewal. Iran is not a new state searching for identity. It is an ancient civilization that has been denied, for too long, the political freedom necessary to convert its history, talent and human potential into a stable future.

For decades, Washington and Tehran have been discussed as if their current hostility were inevitable. It was not. The two countries once shared a relationship shaped by strategy, education, technical exchange and mutual interest. That history matters because it reminds us that the present was chosen, not fate. The rupture that followed did not simply alter diplomacy; it reshaped the political destiny of one of the world’s oldest civilizations.

With the United States marking 250 years since the Declaration of Independence, the anniversary calls for more than celebration. It invites reflection on a political experiment that has endured not because it was flawless, but because it was designed to correct itself. The American constitutional order rests on a simple but radical principle: legitimate government derives its authority from the governed, and no individual stands above the law. That principle has given the republic something rare in modern history—the capacity to survive upheaval without surrendering its democratic core.

Iran presents the opposite example. A nation with one of the world’s oldest civilizations has spent the past four decades trapped in a political system that elevates ideology over development, coercion over accountability and confrontation over national renewal. The result is not merely repression, but stagnation: A country rich in history, talent and cultural depth has been denied the freedom needed to convert those strengths into a durable future.

To understand why this matters, one must remember that Washington and Tehran were once not adversaries. For much of the 20th century, the two countries maintained a strategic relationship shaped by shared interests, technical exchange and educational ties. American teachers, engineers, physicians and advisers contributed to Iran’s modernization, while thousands of Iranian students came to the United States and returned with a deeper understanding of constitutional government, economic opportunity, and individual freedom. That history matters because it shows that today’s hostility was not inevitable; it was the result of political choices.

The rupture came in 1979, when the Islamic Revolution transformed anti-Americanism from rhetoric into doctrine. What had once been a foreign-policy stance became part of the state’s identity. The seizure of the U.S. Embassy in Tehran was not just a diplomatic crisis; it was the symbolic birth of a system that would measure its legitimacy less by what it built for its own citizens than by what it opposed abroad. From that point on, the relationship between the two nations became one of divergence.

The United States, despite intense domestic conflict and periodic crises, continued to rely on institutions capable of renewal. Its courts, universities, press, private enterprise and electoral system sustained a resilience that is often underestimated. The Cold War ended. New threats emerged. Political divisions deepened. Yet the constitutional framework remained the country’s central source of continuity and legitimacy. America’s strength has never been the absence of conflict; it has been the ability to channel conflict through institutions rather than collapse under it.

Iran moved in the opposite direction. Political authority became more concentrated, dissent more constrained and public life more tightly managed by ideological boundaries. Elections continued, but they operated within a system where ultimate power remained insulated from meaningful accountability. Over time, the preservation of revolutionary identity outweighed the interests of the population it claimed to serve. That is not merely an authoritarian pattern; it is a historic loss. The calamity of modern Iran is not only repression, but the theft of time—decades during which an ancient civilization might have built a freer, more prosperous future.

This contrast also raises a broader question about American strategy. The United States has long recognized that certain ideologies—Nazism, Soviet communism and apartheid—posed threats not only to individual countries, but to the international order itself. Whether successive administrations applied the same clarity to the Islamic Republic remains one of the most consequential debates in modern foreign policy. Different presidents chose different tactics, yet none resolved the deeper conflict between a revolutionary regime committed to exporting its ideology and a people seeking another path.

That unresolved tension still shapes the Middle East. Governments built on fear can appear durable for years, even decades. Political theater can project confidence. Official rituals can manufacture spectacle. But none of that substitutes for genuine legitimacy. Institutions endure because citizens trust them. Regimes endure only so long as they can compel obedience. History has never been kind to systems that confuse control with permanence.

What has been lost is more than political freedom; it is the ordinary future that generations of Iranians were denied. For decades, a civilization with immense human talent, intellectual depth and historical gravity was forced to live inside a political system that turned dignity into obedience and national potential into ideological captivity. The tragedy of modern Iran is not only what it has endured, but what it was prevented from becoming.

As Americans celebrate 250 years of their Republic, many Iranians still hope that their country can once again be governed by law rather than fear, by accountable institutions rather than ideological rigidity. A free Iran would not only transform its own political life; it would also reopen a possibility that has been absent for too long—a relationship with the United States based on respect, rather than hostility. And the reopening of an American embassy in Tehran would be more than a diplomatic act. It would signal that Iran had returned, at last, to the community of free nations.

History now places two images side by side: a republic marking a quarter-millennium of constitutional liberty and a regime defined by the burial of the ruler around whom it built its political order. One system renews itself through institutions. The other remains bound to the fate of the man who embodied it.

That is the lesson of this moment—and perhaps the lesson of history itself.

He made the announcement while accepting the President’s Award at the Karlovy Vary International Film Festival in the Czech Republic.

Eisenberg, who earned an Academy Award nomination for portraying Facebook founder Mark Zuckerberg in “The Social Network” (2010), wrote, directed and starred in “A Real Pain” (2024), which follows two Jewish American cousins, played by Eisenberg and Kieran Culkin, who travel to Poland on a Holocaust heritage tour to honor their late grandmother while confronting their family’s past.

The story draws in part on Eisenberg's own family history. He has said he was inspired by his great-aunt Doris, who fled Poland for the United States in 1938. After her death in 2019, he began exploring his family's roots and later applied for Polish citizenship. The film was shot at locations connected to his family's history.

Eisenberg, whose maternal great-grandmother was born in Krasnystaw and whose paternal great-grandfather was also from Poland, has said obtaining Polish citizenship is a way to reconnect with his family’s heritage and to pursue more filmmaking opportunities in Europe, where he believes it is easier to make the kinds of mid-budget, character-driven films he prefers.

Eisenberg earned Oscar, BAFTA and Golden Globe nominations for his screenplay, as well as a Golden Globe nomination for best actor in a motion picture—musical or comedy. Culkin won the Oscar for best supporting actor.

“Being here has particular meaning for me right now, because in exactly one week I am receiving my Polish citizenship,” Eisenberg said during Saturday’s ceremony. “I pursued Polish citizenship because of my family's heritage, but also because I want to spend more time in my life and my career working in Europe, specifically Central Europe.”

But the real test begins now.

For years, Jewish residents, community leaders, educators and advocates have sounded the alarm about rising antisemitism. They have documented incidents, reported harassment, attended public meetings and pushed for elected officials to acknowledge a reality that many Jews have experienced firsthand: Antisemitism is not a relic of the past. It is a growing and evolving threat in the present.

The adoption of the IHRA definition by the city council was achieved due to the work of the Antisemitism Task Force at StandWithUs San Diego, which, through months of education, coalition-building, advocacy and public engagement helped to ensure that elected officials understood why adopting a clear definition of antisemitism was both necessary and overdue.

The new definition offers institutions, policymakers, educators and law enforcement a common framework for recognizing antisemitism in its many forms. It acknowledges that hatred toward Jews can manifest not only through traditional stereotypes and discrimination, but also through newer expressions that often hide behind political rhetoric.

Yet adopting a definition is not the same as solving a problem. If anything, the vote raises a more urgent question: What happens next?

Over the past year, antisemitic incidents in San Diego have risen dramatically. Jewish students have reported feeling targeted on college campuses. Community members have experienced harassment online and in public spaces. Synagogues and Jewish institutions continue to invest heavily in security measures that many other communities take for granted. Intimidation, vandalism and hate-filled rhetoric have become increasingly common.

These incidents are not isolated. They are connected by a broader environment in which antisemitism has become normalized, excused or ignored.

The six-hour city council meeting leading up to the March vote offered a stark illustration of that reality. Hundreds of people came to speak. Members of the Jewish community shared personal stories, fears and experiences. They described what it means to watch antisemitism spread in schools and workplaces, and via online platforms.

But perhaps more telling was the response from those opposed to the vote. Hateful and vitriolic statements were shouted at the Jewish community members, including “Look at these well-dressed Jews with money in their pockets,” while another speaker remarked, “Your Jewish children deserve to be spat on.”

The hearing also exposed how much misinformation has surrounded the definition itself.

Opponents repeatedly claimed that adopting it would violate free speech, make it impossible to criticize Israel or discuss the suffering of Palestinians. Those claims are simply false. The IHRA definition does not criminalize speech or prohibit political debate. Rather, it provides guidance for recognizing when criticism crosses the line into antisemitism by applying double standards, denying the Jewish people's right to self-determination or using classic antisemitic tropes.

Ironically, the very hearing intended to address antisemitism became, at times, an example of why action was necessary. For many Jewish residents in attendance, the experience was both painful and clarifying.

The vote that followed sent the message that the city was ready to listen. Now, the city must demonstrate that it is willing to act.

That means ensuring the IHRA definition does not simply sit on a shelf as a symbolic statement. It should become a practical tool that informs policy, training and decision-making. City departments should understand how antisemitism manifests today. Public officials should be equipped to recognize it when it occurs. Educational institutions should have access to resources that help identify and address anti-Jewish bias.

Accountability also matters; when incidents occur, there should be clear mechanisms for reporting them and responding appropriately. Community members deserve to know how concerns will be addressed and who is responsible for taking action. Transparency builds trust, and trust is essential if communities are expected to believe that commitments against hate are more than words.

The responsibility goes far beyond the boundaries of government. Schools, universities, nonprofits, businesses and civic organizations all have a role to play. Too often, antisemitism is treated as an exception among forms of hate rather than as part of the broader fight against bigotry and discrimination. That mindset must change.

Supporting Jewish safety and inclusion should not be controversial. It should be a basic expectation of any institution committed to civil rights and human dignity.

Finally, it is up to individuals—yes, you and I—to take a stand. Most people will never attend a city council meeting or testify before elected officials. But everyone has opportunities to challenge misinformation, speak out against hateful rhetoric and support neighbors who feel vulnerable. Combating antisemitism cannot be the responsibility of Jews alone. The burden of confronting hate belongs to all of us.

The Jewish community, led by the Antisemitism Task Force, worked tirelessly to achieve this outcome. Advocates organized, educated and persisted through setbacks. They showed up again and again because they believed recognition was necessary. March 17 wasn’t just the end of a successful campaign; it was the start of a new one.

The adoption of the IHRA definition was a milestone worth celebrating. Now comes the harder work of turning that into meaningful change.

The measure of success will not be found in the text of the resolution itself. It will be found in whether Jewish students feel safer on campus; whether families feel comfortable expressing their identity in public; whether antisemitic incidents are taken seriously when they occur; and whether leaders respond with consistency and courage when faced with hate.

The San Diego City Council has made a statement. But now, it’s time for action. 

If Netanyahu does fall, however, there is no doubt as to what the reaction will be. There will be much lamentation among those who compose his base—who are fiercely loyal to the man—and just as much rejoicing among his detractors, including, perhaps, the majority of American Jews.

There are numerous reasons people dislike Netanyahu, and just as many hopes for what may follow him. Putting all these considerations aside, however, there is one question that stands out: Will Netanyahu’s fall raise support for Israel internationally, and especially, in the United States?

This is not an idle question. There can be no doubt that Israel’s international support is at a low point, if not its nadir. Global support is not necessarily particularly relevant to Israel’s security or well-being, but American support for Israel is, and that support has been profoundly damaged, with polls indicating that, for the first time, more Americans support the Palestinians than Israel.

Part of this, of course, is the decades of defamation and violence against Israel’s supporters and Zionists in general. Moreover, there is the infiltration, conquest and colonization of the Democratic Party by professional racist anti-Zionists, aided and abetted by politicians who ought to know better. On the right, xenophobic and classically antisemitic forces are driving the movement’s growing alienation from the Jewish state. There are also social and demographic factors at work, with a young generation glued to TikTok and easily duped by misinformation, demonization and the sadistic pleasures of racial hatred.

Nonetheless, a great many in both Israel and the United States at least partially blame Netanyahu for the collapse in Israel’s international reputation, particularly in regard to American public opinion. The argument holds that, beginning with the Obama administration, Netanyahu systematically antagonized and alienated the Democratic Party. At the same time, he brought increasingly extreme right-wing figures into the government, alienating American Jews and other liberals, culminating in Netanyahu’s current coalition that includes a Kahanist party.

The prime minister allegedly compounded this by engaging in unacceptable rhetoric toward Israeli Arabs and other groups, and refusing to countenance the creation of a Palestinian state. Now, it is said, Netanyahu has also thoroughly alienated the right by “dragging” the United States into an unwanted war.

In doing all this, he acted like a kind of media kamikaze, single-handedly detonating Israel’s international image and destroying its American support.

It is only fair to say that there is something in all of this. Netanyahu certainly has deliberately jettisoned Democratic Party support for Israel over the years; his government coalition-building with extremist parties was bound to cause a serious rift with U.S. Jews and liberals; and he must have known that the isolationist wing of the Republican Party would be apoplectic over the Iran war.

The question, then, is whether—if and when Netanyahu leaves the scene—support for Israel will improve. The answer is likely that, in certain circles, it will; but, in general, Netanyahu’s departure will make no difference whatsoever.

The reason is a simple one: Israel is not facing opposition because of one man or the machinations of a single politician. It is facing a social phenomenon, a mass movement driven by dark forces well beyond transient everyday politics, the news cycle or social-media trends.

This movement currently has no real name, but it could simply be referred to as “neo-antisemitism.”

This term, however, fails to capture the vastness and violence of its ideological hatred. This is a movement that is openly genocidal and bitterly racist, rooted in classic antisemitic conspiracy theories and their modern iterations first introduced by the Soviet Union and long-dead Palestinian nationalists. It employs tactics of defamation, intimidation, violence and infiltration to invade public and private spaces—conquer and colonize them, and ultimately purge them of all Jews and supporters of Israel who might stand in its way.

Its short-term goal is to achieve political and cultural hegemony in the United States and seize the presidency for itself.

Its avowed purpose is to annihilate Israel and its Jewish citizens, and if its slogan “globalize the intifada” is sincere—and it is—all Jews worldwide. It has already committed innumerable hate crimes and acts of terrorism and murder, all while meeting with considerable electoral success. It encompasses both the political left and the political right, is particularly popular among the young, and at the moment, shows no signs of abating.

None of this can be put down to Netanyahu. It is the result of much larger and more powerful historical forces, rooted in the ancient hatreds of traditional Christianity and Islam, compounded by the pathologies of modern totalitarianism. Netanyahu, his policies and his rhetoric may, at times, have fed the beast, but he could hardly have avoided this because the beast feeds on everything.

After all, neo-antisemites do not care who leads the state they wish—with every fiber of their being—to destroy. Another Israeli prime minister would simply be another absolute enemy, another obstacle, another target of their constant defamation and incitement. Another, as the antisemitic mayor of New York recently said of AIPAC, “monster.”

It is conceivable that Netanyahu’s departure, brought about by his own errors and miscalculations, many of them catastrophic, will undercut the appeal of neo-antisemitism. It is not impossible. But Israel shouldn’t bank on the possibility.

Instead, Israel should recognize neo-antisemitism and the movement it has spawned as a genuine strategic threat, and act to neutralize it as best it can. This, with Netanyahu or without him, is the Sisyphean task now facing the Jewish state.

At 23, Adam Dabedoub is an Icelander from a country often known for its frosty relations with Israel. His father is Muslim and originally from Egypt, while his mother is Christian and Icelandic.

“I knew almost nothing about Jewish culture or heritage,” Dabedoub told JNS while volunteering at the 35th Krakow Jewish Festival alongside more than three dozen young adults from Israel, the United States and across Europe.

His path to the weeklong festival that concluded on July 5 began with a Polish woman he met in Iceland. She had previously volunteered at the annual event and encouraged him to apply.

“I wanted to start a new life and go somewhere to define who I am,” he said.

After moving to Poland with his girlfriend, Dabedoub walked into the festival’s offices for an interview and was immediately accepted for a five-month volunteer position.

“A lot of happenstance led me here,” he said.

Founded nearly four decades ago as a tribute to the lost Jewish culture of Polish Jewry, which was decimated in the Holocaust, the Krakow Jewish Festival has grown into the largest Jewish festival in Europe.

Festival director Robert Gadek said previous editions have also included a small number of Muslim volunteers from Jordan, Pakistan and Azerbaijan.

Dabedoub, who trained as a chef, said working alongside volunteers from different backgrounds has broadened his understanding of Jewish life, including Shabbat and Jewish traditions.

“My dad taught me that if you want to get to know people forget where they come and try to give a person a clean slate to avoid biases,” he said.

He said volunteering at a Jewish festival during a period of rising global antisemitism aligns with both his desire to explore the world and the example set by his parents, who both worked in the tourism industry.

“I’m doing what my parents did just with a big safety net,” he said.

Looking back, Dabedoub acknowledged that his journey has been unusual.

“I never thought how eccentric my story is, but I would never trade anything for it,” he said.

It has become the driving force behind a Maccabiah-wide initiative honoring 18 athletes with ties to the Maccabi movement who lost their lives in Israel’s wars. Through sporting events and educational programming across the country, organizers hope participants will return home as ambassadors carrying the stories of these fallen athletes to Jewish communities around the world.

Goren, 46, who has held senior positions in Israel’s tourism industry, has spent much of his career working in various capacities for the Maccabiah, rising to his current position as chairman of Maccabiah Israel in September 2022. While he concedes that he is not an Olympic or Maccabiah-level athlete, he proudly noted that he hurried back to his office for an exclusive interview with JNS after taking part in an open-water swim in Nahal Ha’Asi (Amal River) in the Beit She’an Valley held in memory of fallen IDF Capt. Eden Nimri.

Nimri, 22, a team leader in the Artillery Corps’ “Sky Rider” drone unit and a competitive open-water swimmer, was killed on Oct. 7, 2023, at the IDF’s Nahal Oz outpost. By standing guard at the entrance to a shelter, she saved the lives of 17 unarmed soldiers. Before her military service, she represented Israel at the 2014 Mediterranean Cup, the International School Sport Federation’s 2017 World Championships and the 2018 European Junior Open Water Swimming Championships, where she finished 30th.

Sunday’s open-water competition featured 1.5- and 3-kilometer races, but also included a symbolic 170-meter swim—10 meters for each of the 17 soldiers Nimri saved. Her parents, Sharon Yael and Michael, attended the event.

Nimri is one of 18 athletes with ties to the Maccabi movement who lost their lives during Israel’s wars.

“After the 2022 Maccabiah, we decided the Maccabiah couldn’t be just a once-every-four-years event,” Goren said, noting that the Oct. 7 Hamas massacre occurred between the 2022 Games and the scheduled 2025 Maccabiah, which was postponed because of the war with Iran.

Goren, who spent seven months serving in the reserves during the war, said he was proud of the response by Kfar Maccabiah, the Maccabiah organization and the Maccabi World Union in helping those affected by the war.

Kfar Maccabiah, the hotel and conference center in Ramat Gan established by the Maccabi World Union in 1957, opened its doors to approximately 1,000 evacuees from Sderot and Ashkelon.

“We had schools, a nursery school, dogs, birds, and we even built glamping facilities for Nova festival survivors,” he said.

“We realized very quickly that we couldn’t celebrate sports as originally planned—we went back to the drawing board,” Goren said. “We needed to be together, tell the story, and emphasize Israel, Judaism and sport more than ever. We need the Maccabiah more than ever with antisemitism rising in the Diaspora.”

Those discussions took place while Israeli hostages were still being held in Gaza.

“We needed to find a way to make the stories of these athletes part of the Maccabiah without turning it into Memorial Day,” Goren said. “We wanted what happened here to have a lasting impact.”

Maccabiah Games organizers met repeatedly with the families of the fallen athletes, interviewed their friends and teammates, and sought to understand how each person should be remembered.

“We wanted athletes from around the world to connect with the experience and memory of each person who lost their life,” Goren said. “We want every athlete to leave knowing at least three of these stories in a meaningful and lasting way.”

They created a series of round blue commemorative pins, each honoring one of the 18 athletes, continuing the long-standing Maccabiah tradition of athletes exchanging pins. Among them are a soccer ball for Guy Simhi, a surfboard with a microphone for Raz Mizrachi, a heart for Noa Zander and an orange swimmer for Eden Nimri.

Families also identified a favorite food or drink of their loved one—from Milki chocolate pudding to Danone yogurt—which organizers highlighted during the commemorative events.

“We had a story, a pin and a taste to make sure the impact goes on forever—that a light will glow forever,” Goren said.

Following Nimri’s memorial swim, participants toasted her memory with Limoncello and Danone Pro 25 vanilla, two of her favorite drinks.

Among those commemorated was Adi Leon, a Givati Brigade soldier who was killed on Oct. 31, 2023, when an anti-tank missile struck his Namer armored personnel carrier. A longtime member of the Maccabi Tzair youth movement, Leon was also an aspiring electronic music producer who left behind a notebook titled To Be Read After My Death, describing the values that guided his life and military service.

At the Maccabiah, participants listened to Leon’s original music, watched videos of his performances and gathered in a room decorated in the purple colors of the Givati Brigade.

Goren said he is especially proud that each tribute celebrates the athletes’ lives rather than focusing only on their deaths.

“No one can take part in one of these events and walk away unchanged,” he said. “Years from now they’ll still remember these stories. ‘More Than Ever’ won’t just be a slogan—it will stay with them.”

In his second Fox News interview in 24 hours, Netanyahu reiterated that Israel and the United States "see eye to eye on just about everything."

He told "Fox & Friends" host Brian Kilmeade that Jerusalem remained Washington's closest ally in the region and that he and Trump had "a way of ironing out our differences as allies who respect each other."

Speaking ahead of Trump's departure for the 2026 NATO Summit in Ankara, the Israeli leader urged Washington not to provide advanced fighter jets or engines to Turkey, saying that doing so would undermine both America's and the Jewish state's military edge in the region.

The premier accused Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan of calling for Israel's destruction and cited Ankara's hostility toward Cyprus and Greece.

"I don't think they should be given F-35s or the engines for their fighter jets, because that'll upset the power balance in the Middle East," he said.

Turning to Iran, Netanyahu said the joint U.S.-Israeli military campaign against the Islamic Republic "weakened it substantially, and that opens up the path for some other peace deals."

Netanyahu concluded by praising the United States as "a tremendous force for good" and congratulated Americans on the occasion of the country's 250th anniversary, saying that without the U.S., "there won't be any democracy in the world and there won't be any freedom in the world."

Overall, hate-crime offenses are down 43%, and incidents have decreased 41.5% compared to last year, although the FBI’s 2025 data came from self-reported state statistics covering between 95% and 96% of the U.S. population. At the beginning of this year, the January data covered about 88% of the country. By April, it was about 75%, 55% by May, and by June, it had only covered nearly 19.5% of the nation.

Last year, there were 1,062 anti-Jewish offenses in 957 incidents, according to the bureau’s data.

Jews make up about 2.4% of American adults, according to data from the Pew Research Center. That means that so far this year, Jews are 525% likelier hate crime targets than their population share suggests, according to the FBI data.

The 978 religion-based incidents recorded this year made up 25.1% of all incidents. After the 15% of religion-based incidents targeting Jews, the next most likely targets were Sikhs and Muslims (2% each) and Arabs (1%).

The majority (55%) of anti-Jewish incidents involved destruction, damage or vandalism of property, followed by intimidation (31%), simple assault (8%), and aggravated assault and all other larcenies (2% each).

The largest amount (17%) took place on the highway, a road, alley, street or sidewalk, followed by an elementary or secondary school (16%), home (15%), and college or university (9%).

A smaller number of anti-Jewish incidents have occurred so far this year at a park or playground or house of worship (6% each) or commercial or office building, parking lot or garage, government or public building or online (3% each). And 1% each of incidents have taken place at an air or bus or train terminal, drug store or medical facility, construction site, field or woods, restaurant, grocery or supermarket, shopping mall, specialty store, abandoned or condemned structure or department or discount store.

New York state had only reported 88 anti-Jewish hate crimes to the FBI so far this year, even though New York City alone recorded 26 anti-Jewish hate crimes last month, and there were 178 confirmed anti-Jewish hate crimes in the Big Apple from Jan. 1 to June 30, per New York City Police Department data.

The FBI data suggests that the NYPD reported 74 anti-Jewish hate crimes to the bureau so far this year.

California has reported 158 offenses from 142 anti-Jewish hate crime incidents to the FBI so far this year.

Florida has reported 9, Illinois 17 (16 incidents), Maryland 10 (9 incidents), Massachusetts 5, Michigan 29 (26 incidents), Minnesota 6, New Jersey 102 (92 incidents), Pennsylvania 22 (18 incidents), Texas 13, Virginia 24 (23 incidents) and Washington state 15 (12 incidents).

Speaking in Jerusalem alongside Rwandan Foreign Minister Olivier Nduhungirehe, Sa’ar responded to Turkish Foreign Minister Hakan Fidan's description of the Jewish state as a "burden that humanity can no longer bear." Sa’ar warned that framing a people as a problem for humanity echoes historical language that preceded widespread atrocities.

"The remarks by Turkey's Foreign Minister are a clear call for genocide. The Jewish people know all too well what happens when such words are allowed to go unanswered. The first step on the road to genocide is dehumanization."

Israel's Minister of Foreign Affairs, @gidonsaar, in… pic.twitter.com/NbsHLZKUjt

— Israel Foreign Ministry (@IsraelMFA) July 6, 2026

"The Jewish people know very well what happens when such words are allowed to go unchallenged," Sa’ar said, noting that Turkey is slated to host a NATO summit on Tuesday. "The first step on the road to genocide is dehumanization."

Following the diplomatic remarks, Sa'ar and Nduhungirehe signed bilateral agreements to advance cooperation in education, vocational training and international development.

The incident, which occurred over the weekend, was triggered by the operatives’ attempt to restore underground terrorist infrastructure west of the Yellow Line, the army said.

The IDF holds roughly 60% of Gaza’s territory, east to the Yellow Line that runs through the Strip.

The Israeli military named Hudhayfah Hussein Abdullah al-Hawajri, a Nukhba terrorist in Hamas’s East Jabalia Battalion, as the terrorist killed in the strike, adding that the other four were hit.

“Prior to the strike, steps were taken to mitigate harm to civilians, including the use of precise munitions and aerial surveillance,” the IDF said.

On Sunday, the IDF said it killed, in separate strikes the previous week, Muhammad Najib Ashour, a Nukhba Force platoon commander, and Tamer Saeed Abu Nakhal, a cell commander in Hamas’s "military wing," for their involvement in the advancement of attacks on Israeli soldiers.

"Hamas held a press conference today at Shuhada al-Aqsa Hospital in Gaza," the mission wrote on X, using the Arabic name for the Al-Aqsa Martyrs Hospital in Deir al-Balah, central Gaza.

"Any silence on Hamas’ exploitation of the hospital for propaganda will be a choice," it continued, tagging the WHO and its director general, Tedros Adhanom Ghebreyesus.

"Al-Shifa, Nasser, and Kamal Adwan Hospitals, all have been abused by Hamas to hide terrorists and weapons, cynically and brazenly. They used them as terror hubs to hide and torture hostages. And now they use a hospital as a stage for propaganda," the post added. "With each step, WHO's silence is so much more deafening."

Hamas held a press conference today at Shuhada al-Aqsa Hospital in Gaza.@WHO, @DrTedros: Any silence on Hamas’ exploitation of the hospital for propaganda will be a choice. pic.twitter.com/zOEbQaS6Zu

— Israel in UN/Geneva🇮🇱🇺🇳 (@IsraelinGeneva) July 6, 2026

The press conference was held outside the emergency department of Al-Aqsa Martyrs Hospital on Monday afternoon by Ismail Thawabta, head of Hamas's "government" media office, and Hamas spokesman Hazem Qassem.

Thawabta and Qassem announced that Hamas was dissolving one of the key "civilian" bodies through which it administers Gaza, while saying employees would remain in their posts, in what appeared to be a largely symbolic move.

An Israeli official told Kan News public broadcaster that the purported resignation of the Hamas government, while all of its members remain in office, was "a spin that means absolutely nothing."

The official added, "Hamas fears it will be found to be in violation of the [ceasefire] agreement, so it is buying time and engaging in spin."

Katz received a briefing on the operational situation and the Air Force’s readiness across all arenas, as well as ongoing force buildup and strengthening efforts, according to the statement.

Tischler took command of the IAF in May, replacing Maj. Gen. Tomer Bar, who retired from active service after 39 years.

The initiative, carried out in cooperation with the Israeli government, is expected to serve approximately 200,000 children, aiming to ensure continuity of education for hospitalized youth.

In partnership with @Israel, new hospital education centers are expanding to Chernivtsi and Bila Tserkva, Ukraine, to serve a region of 200,000 children. 🏥📚

Our goal is to ensure medical care never pauses a child's education.

Read the full story here: https://t.co/C4bGi4tXmS pic.twitter.com/UJaBXjja09

— Israel Foreign Ministry (@IsraelMFA) July 6, 2026

Further details on the project were published in Ukrainian media.

The program is based on an Israeli model that integrates schooling into pediatric medical care, allowing children undergoing long-term treatment to continue their studies in a structured environment.

Each center is set to include a modern classroom, children’s library, creative spaces for psychological support and advanced technological equipment, according to details reported by RBC-Ukraine, citing the Israeli embassy in Kyiv.

The project includes training for Ukrainian teachers and medical staff, with Israeli organizations sharing expertise developed over years of operating similar programs across dozens of hospitals.

The first such center opened in Odesa in 2023. Additional sites in other regions of Ukraine are under consideration as part of a broader expansion effort, officials said.

The incident began on Friday night after several Jews left a central synagogue in Barcelona while wearing kippahs following prayers and the Shabbat meal. Two members of the group were allegedly singled out as they walked toward their hotel.

A woman wearing a Palestinian keffiyeh approached the group of Jews, the Federation of Jewish Communities in Spain (FCJE) said in a statement Monday, shouting antisemitic abuse and repeatedly spitting at them. The victims alleged that dozens of others gradually joined the harassment, some arriving on bicycles, scooters and motorcycles, surrounding them as they made their way through the city's waterfront.

According to the victims' account, members of the crowd shouted, "Jews are not welcome in Barcelona," "Baby killers" and "Israeli genocide," while preventing them from walking freely. The group said they feared they were about to be physically attacked until they reached the Hotel Arts, where security staff prevented the alleged pursuers from entering. The harassment went on for 90 minutes, FCJE said, citing testimonies.

"If confirmed, this would be one of the most serious episodes of antisemitic harassment recorded in Barcelona in recent years," the Federation of Jewish Communities of Spain said.

The FCJE and the Jewish Community of Barcelona said they are collecting evidence and considering filing criminal complaints. They appealed for witnesses or anyone with photos or videos from the Port Olímpic waterfront and the area around the Hotel Arts and Sofitel on the night of July 3 to come forward.

The Federation said the alleged assault came amid a broader increase in antisemitic incidents in Barcelona, pointing to the desecration of the Montjuïc Jewish cemetery, antisemitic vandalism, intimidation of community members and threats against Jews in recent months.

Spain is one of four European Union member countries that have intervened in South Africa’s 2023 lawsuit for alleged genocide against Israel, widely understood as an endorsement of the suit. The country’s prime minister, Pedro Sánchez, last year called Israel a “genocidal state.” Israel has accused the Spanish government of fomenting antisemitic hatred with its anti-Israel policies.

The Observatorio de Antisemitismo en España, a watchdog on antisemitism established by FCJE, recorded 207 antisemitic incidents in Spain in 2025, compared to 193 in 2024, 60 in 2023, and 34 in 2022.

The police department of Barcelona did not reply in time for the publication of this article to a query by JNS on the events described by FCJE.

Tefillin, a pair of small, black leather boxes containing parchment scrolls, are traditionally worn by Jewish men during weekday morning prayers.

“The lack of regulation that accompanied the system for years created frictions and uncertainty that harmed students, parents and education staff,” Kisch wrote on X.

“The laying of tefillin in the State of the Jews is not a subject for controversy; it is part of our Jewish identity,” he continued.

The minister noted that a directive issued by the ministry’s Director General Meir Shimoni now provides principals with clear guidelines, and ensures that every student can voluntarily pray and lay tefillin “in a respectful, regulated and natural manner.”

Hamas's Governmental Emergency Committee said the move came in response to the "higher interests" of Gazans amid "the continuing war, blockade, delayed reconstruction and Israel's refusal to withdraw."

In a statement cited by Qatar's Al Jazeera outlet, the committee called on mediators to press for the U.S.-backed National Committee for the Administration of Gaza (NCAG) to enter the Strip immediately and begin carrying out its duties, "thereby strengthening the resilience of our people and helping to heal their wounds."

The committee's statement said that all current employees of Hamas's "civilian" apparatus would continue to serve under the NCAG.

An anonymous Hamas official told AFP that the terrorist group "decided to dissolve the Gaza government committee and to appoint a nationally accepted figure to oversee the committee's work until the National Committee for the Administration of Gaza formally assumes its responsibilities."

An Israeli official told Kan News public broadcaster that the purported resignation of the Hamas government, while all of its members remain in office, was "a spin that means absolutely nothing."

The official added, "Hamas fears it will be found to be in violation of the agreement, so it is buying time and engaging in spin."

Under the second phase of U.S. President Donald Trump's 20-point peace plan, Hamas is to cede power and Gaza is to be deradicalized and disarmed, with the deployment of an International Stabilization Force to parts of the Strip currently held by the Israeli military.

Meanwhile, the NCAG would be responsible for restoring public services, managing infrastructure projects and overseeing civil institutions.

Trump's Board of Peace, under which the NCAG operates, acknowledged Hamas's decision to disband the Governmental Emergency Committee, in a statement on Monday.

"Ultimately, our assessment will be guided by actions, not promises, to meet the critical needs of the people of Gaza. Decisions must be comprehensive with respect to the requirements as set out in the Roadmap for advancing governance, security, and transition in Gaza," the Board of Peacecstated.

"A genuine transfer of authority must enable the NCAG to exercise its mandate independently, including taking the administrative and governance decisions entrusted to it," it added.

Nickolay Mladenov, the Board of Peace’s high representative for the Gaza Strip, said Hamas's announcement "underscores the importance of bringing the Roadmap discussions to a successful conclusion."

"The sooner agreement is reached on the outstanding implementation provisions, the sooner the NCAG can assume its responsibilities, the decommissioning of weapons and the withdrawal of Israeli forces can begin, and large-scale reconstruction can commence," Mladenov wrote on X.

Top Hamas leaders, including Khaled Mashaal and Musa Abu Marzouk, have rejected key parts of Trump's plan for the second phase in recent months, including disarmament, despite having agreed to the proposal in October.

Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu said last week that the Gaza Strip no longer poses a military threat to Israel, while acknowledging that Hamas's civilian rule has yet to be dismantled.

“A few days ago, we eliminated one of the last remaining [senior Hamas leaders], Izz al-Din al-Haddad, who was their military commander and one of the architects of the terrible [Oct. 7, 2023], massacre,” he told Channel 14. “What was the response? Nothing. Zero. Not a single bullet, because we are in control.”

However, the premier noted, “We also had a third objective, and that objective has not yet been achieved: to eliminate their civilian rule.” He added, “We will get there. There is still work to do.”

The council’s plenum approved the first-of-its-kind-in-Israel initiative this week.

The goal is to incorporate the integration of people with special needs into the planning and construction process, transforming it from an isolated initiative into a binding planning policy for new neighborhoods, Gush Etzion said in a statement.

Under the plan, 3% of every new zoning plan containing more than 100 housing units will be dedicated to people with disabilities.

“In practice, alongside the planning of synagogues, kindergartens, public institutions, open spaces and community infrastructure, every new neighborhood in Gush Etzion will also be required to include designated apartments that enable people with special needs to live as part of the community,” the council said.

The designated apartments, integrated into ordinary residential buildings, will be operated by nonprofit organizations and professional bodies specializing in supported and inclusive housing.

“This is a historic decision that reflects the way we view settlement in Gush Etzion. New construction is not merely about adding housing units, roads and infrastructure, it is an opportunity to build a complete, stronger and more inclusive community,” Yaron Rosenthal, head of the Gush Etzion Regional Council, said in the statement.

“In our view, 3% of the apartments represents 100% social and communal responsibility. Gush Etzion is proud to lead such an initiative, and I hope it will become a model for other local authorities across Israel,” he added.

The policy was developed based on the experiences gained from the inclusive community of Giv’ot in Gush Etzion.

In a statement, SAZF National Chairman Craig Pantanowitz said recent comments by Justice Minister Mmamoloko Kubayi and International Relations Minister Ronald Lamola sought to shift attention away from longstanding domestic problems.

According to Pantanowitz, the Sunday Times, South Africa's biggest Sunday newspaper, reported over the weekend that Kubayi implied Israeli involvement in recent anti-immigrant marches, although she offered no evidence to support the allegation.

He noted that Lamola, responding in May to questions about what he described as a hostile narrative against South Africa, referred to unnamed “state and non-state actors” and linked them to South Africa’s case against Israel at the International Court of Justice.

“Two senior ministers, the same insinuation, and between them not a shred of proof,” Pantanowitz said.

'Conspiracy theory'

Pantanowitz argued that such claims distract from the government’s failure to address domestic unrest.

“When senior members of cabinet reach for a hidden foreign hand rather than account for a failure at home, and do so months before a local election in which immigration is being openly exploited, it stops looking like a careless remark and starts looking like a habit,” he said.

Pantanowitz said Kubayi herself had acknowledged that elements of the recent anti-immigrant mobilization were linked to local political campaigning and ambitions ahead of municipal elections.

“Every one of those drivers is domestic. None of them is foreign,” he said.

The SAZF chairman also pointed to South Africa’s long history of xenophobic violence, noting that deadly attacks occurred in 2008, 2015 and 2019—years before Pretoria filed its ICJ case against Israel.

“The African Commission on Human and Peoples’ Rights recognizes xenophobia as a longstanding South African problem,” he said. “It cannot have been caused by a court case filed 15 years after the first bodies were counted.”

Pantanowitz said migrants from Nigeria, Zimbabwe, Ethiopia and Mozambique had been driven from their homes and businesses in the latest unrest, prompting formal diplomatic protests from several African governments.

“The victims are real and close at hand,” he said. “A conspiracy theory protects none of them.”

Calling on the South African justice minister to either substantiate or withdraw her remarks, Pantanowitz said: “If she has evidence of foreign state involvement in these marches, she must produce it or place it before the appropriate authorities. If she does not, she must withdraw the insinuation. There is no third path that is truthful.”

“Deflection is the easy road,” he added. “It buys the government time. It buys the victims nothing.”

The SAZF represents South Africa’s Jewish community on Israel-related issues and works to strengthen ties between South Africa and Israel through advocacy, education and community engagement.

"I myself, with President Trump, we brought forth four peace deals," the premier said on Fox News, referring to the Abraham Accords, which were initiated in 2020 and normalized relations with several countries, including the United Arab Emirates, Bahrain and Morocco.

Netanyahu told Fox News "The Sunday Briefing” co-anchor Jacqui Heinrich that with the weakening of the Islamic Republic of Iran through joint American-Israeli military action, more peace deals will be signed.

"Countries would like to align with us and to protect their future, and also their prosperity. Israel is a powerhouse. It's an engine of innovation, of AI, of quantum, just of everything."

He said that the recent Lebanon agreement has demonstrated that "we have more cards to play," saying that the Land of the Cedars "would like to free itself of Hezbollah, these Hezbollah terrorists who are making their lives miserable."

Not only the Lebanese Christians are asking for Israeli protection, Netanyahu said, "it's the Druze, it's Muslims, the Sunni Muslims and quite a few of the Shi'ite Muslims too. They'd like to free Lebanon. I hope we can get more peace deals. If you want to have peace, you better be able to protect yourself against those who want to annihilate you. We do that. But in defending ourselves, we're defending a common civilization. The people who chant 'Death to America.'"

The study challenges the assumption that similar prehistoric tools necessarily indicate either direct copying or coincidence. Rather, it suggests that technological knowledge traveled with early humans but was reshaped locally according to available raw materials, landscape conditions and individual choices. This model helps explain how a single stone toolmaking tradition could persist for more than a million years across Africa, Asia and Europe without remaining static.

Researchers from the University of Haifa and the University of Crete examined stone tools from the Rodafnidia archaeological site near the village of Lisvori on the island of Lesbos. Their findings indicate that the tools were not simply copied from methods used in the Levant, but instead reflect a blend of shared technological knowledge and distinct local craftsmanship in the Aegean region.

“Stone tools are not just objects left over from the past, but evidence of the decisions, preferences and ways of acting of ancient people,” said Dr. Gadi Herzlinger of the University of Haifa, one of the study’s authors. “When we measure and compare them systematically, we can begin to reconstruct not only how tools were made, but also how technological knowledge moved between regions and how it changed along the way.”

The research focuses on the Acheulean tradition, one of the earliest, most widespread and longest-lasting stone tool industries in human history. Known for large implements such as hand axes and cleavers, Acheulean technology was used across Africa, Asia and Europe for hundreds of thousands of years. Its wide distribution presents a long-standing challenge for researchers, who debate whether similarities between sites reflect population movement, knowledge transfer or independent invention.

Herzlinger, from the School of Archaeology and Maritime Civilizations and the Zinman Institute of Archaeology at the University of Haifa, collaborated with Professor Nena Galanidou of the University of Crete. They studied large cutting tools—mainly hand axes and cleavers—recovered at Rodafnidia through excavation and survey. The site, located near the Lisvori hot springs and facing Anatolia, lies along a corridor that may have connected western Asia, the Aegean and southeastern Europe in prehistory.

The team created 3D digital models of the tools at the University of Haifa’s archaeology and cultural heritage laboratory and compared them with Acheulean assemblages from sites in the Levant, including Ubeidiya, Gesher Benot Ya’aqov, Ma’ayan Baruch, Holon and Nahal Hesi, all of which are in Israel.

The Rodafnidia assemblage showed strong internal consistency, with toolmakers primarily using locally available stone to produce large cutting implements with relatively limited shaping.

However, comparison with Levantine sites revealed no exact match to any single known tradition. The hand axes resembled those from later Acheulean phases in the Levant, while also retaining features associated with earlier periods. The cleavers, meanwhile, differed more significantly in symmetry, edge shape and level of refinement from those found at Gesher Benot Ya’aqov.

“It is precisely the combination of similarity and difference that is the important finding here,” the researchers said. “The similarity shows that the tools from Rodafnidia belong to a broad and familiar technological world, but the differences show that this knowledge was not simply copied. It was adapted locally, depending on raw materials, landscape and the choices of the toolmakers.”

The findings were published in the peer-reviewed Journal of Archaeological Method and Theory.