Kenneth L. Marcus, founder and chairman of the Louis D. Brandeis Center for Human Rights Under Law, at the Tikvah Fund Jewish Leadership Conference in New York City on Dec. 8, 2024. Photo by Sean T. Smith/Simon Luethi via Tikvah Fund.
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Former assistant education secretary ‘encouraged’ by Trump nominees
Intro
U.S. President-elect Donald Trump has “spoken out forcefully against campus antisemitism,” Kenneth Marcus told JNS.
text

Kenneth L. Marcus, a former assistant secretary for civil rights at the U.S. Department of Education, told JNS on the sidelines of the Tikvah Fund’s Jewish Leadership Conference that he likes what he sees so far from President-elect Donald Trump’s nominees for the department and the U.S. Justice Department.

Trump has announced Pam Bondi, a former Florida attorney general, as his nominee for U.S. attorney general, and Linda McMahon as his choice for education secretary.

“Both of them seem to be both conversant about the issues and committed to addressing antisemitism,” Marcus told JNS in New York on Sunday. “Moreover, we know that they will be implementing the agenda of a president, who has spoken out forcefully against campus antisemitism. So, that bodes very well.”

Marcus addressed the president-elect’s nominees in a personal capacity, rather than his role as president and founder and chairman of the Louis D. Brandeis Center for Human Rights Under Law, a nonpartisan group that does not take political positions.

He said that he is, so far, “encouraged by everything that I have been hearing and seeing” about Bondi and McMahon.

No matter how Trump’s administration takes shape, the Brandeis Center will continue to be “very broad” in the cases of alleged Jew-hatred that it takes on when it believes the allegations give rise to a legal course of action.

The center is “building up our litigation muscle so that we have the ability not just to bring administrative actions” before the Education Department’s civil rights office but also in state and federal courts, where the center has about a dozen pending cases. (At the Tikvah event, Shabbos Kestenbaum, who is suing Harvard University, said that Marcus now represents him.)

“We are also adjusting to the present moment so that we can both blanket the administrative agencies with the administrative cases,” Marcus told JNS, “but also on a selective basis bring them bigger, larger-scale lawsuits.”

While serving in the Education Department during the George W. Bush administration, Marcus developed what became known as the “Marcus Doctrine,” an interpretation of the Civil Rights Act of 1964 that would grant broader protections for the rights of ethnic groups, including Jews, that exhibit religious characteristics.

He founded the Brandeis Center in 2011 and has helmed it, excluding a two-year stint as assistant secretary of education for civil rights in the first Trump administration.

He used both platforms to pursue cases of campus antisemitism vigorously through the legal system.

Marcus told JNS that such work is safe, regardless of the Trump administration’s potential moves on the Education Department. The president-elect and some of his allies have threatened to abolish the department altogether—something that some experts say would be at least exceedingly difficult to do.

Ken Marcus
Kenneth L. Marcus, founder and chairman of the Louis D. Brandeis Center for Human Rights Under Law, at the Tikvah Fund Jewish Leadership Conference in New York City on Dec. 8, 2024. Photo by Sean T. Smith/Simon Luethi via Tikvah Fund.

Suing educational institutions for alleged Jew-hatred might have to “be taken under a different address,” perhaps the Justice Department, according to Marcus.

“It is entirely possible that this will be a strong benefit, a strong plus, and here’s how it would work,” he said. “There may be fewer administrative cases of a lesser degree of significance that are pursued, but those that are pursued will be done with much greater vigor.”

The Justice Department has the power to bring far more resources to bear and to generate greater accountability through its investigations than the Education Department, according to Marcus. He added that major existential changes at the Education Department aren’t expected “to happen overnight.”

“There’s no reason to assume that it will lead to weaker, as opposed to stronger, enforcement in the cases that we care about,” he said.

“Not to worry,” he added. “It can all work out.”

https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=8ORIsxn5AVU
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The resignation of the Otzma Yehudit Party from Israel's governing coalition on Sunday in the wake of the hostage-terrorist exchange deal struck with Hamas has created a political domino effect that will see the temporary resignation of Bezalel Smotrich from his role as finance minister.

Otzma Yehudit, led by Itamar Ben-Gvir, and the Religious Zionism Party, led by Smotrich, ran for office in a unified candidates list in November 2022, but split into separate Knesset factions following the national election.

Under Israel's so-called Norwegian Law, ministers (except the prime minister) and deputy ministers can resign from the legislature but remain in their Cabinet posts, with their Knesset seat taken by the next person on the party's candidates list. If the person who resigned leaves the Cabinet, they are able to return to the Knesset in place of his or her replacement.

So when Otzma Yehudit's Amichai Eliyahu resigned as heritage minister and reentered the legislature, Otzma Yehudit gained a Knesset mandate, at the expense of Religious Zionism's Zvi Sukkot, who found himself no longer a lawmaker.

To restore the original agreed upon balance between the two parties, Smotrich is expected to temporarily resign from his ministerial post so he can return to parliament at the expense of Yitzhak Kroizer of Otzma Yehudit. Smotrich will then retake to his post as finance minister, but this time not resign as a Knesset member.

Calcalist reported that due to the Knesset reshuffle, Sukkot and Kroizer will receive between them a retirement grant of around 100,000 shekels (~$28,000): 47,583 shekels (~$13,300) and 51,548 shekels (~$14,400), respectively.

With this development, Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu’s coalition has been reduced to 63 Knesset members out of 120, including lawmaker Almog Cohen, who was elected on the Otzma Yehudit slate but is now working independently of the party.

Meanwhile, Ynet reported that Netanyahu’s Likud Party has been trying to further split Ben-Gvir’s party, which consists of five lawmakers since Cohen left.

According to Israeli law, if less than a third of a party's Knesset members split, they cannot run for office as part of a party represented in the current Knesset in the following election.

With Cohen already acting independently from the faction, a split of one more member could lead to the declaration of a new independent faction, which could weaken Ben-Gvir’s political power in the next election.

MK Zvika Fogel, who was reportedly approached by Likud in an attempt to persuade him to split from Otzma Yehudit, issued a statement on Monday morning dismissing this effort.

“Over the past few days, I received several unofficial requests to continue my activities in other party frameworks. I did not join politics for hugs, pats on the back and official roles, and I am not looking for the continuation of my political future in other parties like other members who fell into this trap," Fogel said.

“I joined Otzma Yehudit to make sure that the State of Israel follows the ideological path that I believe is the most correct for its security, civil and social future and to make an impact. The decision to leave our position in the government and the Knesset was not an easy one and we know that it will be difficult for others to step into these shoes.

“But as we said, we will not be able to continue to function when our influence on the government’s policy in matters of profound importance is not examined in depth and is not accepted,” Fogel said.

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  • Words count:
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President-elect Donald Trump warned Hamas that unless the hostages were returned by Inauguration Day, “All hell will break loose.”

After 15 months laughing at Joe Biden’s bumbling foreign policy, where Israel had an unqualified right to defend itself so long as it didn’t kill any Gazans, where promised munitions to the Jewish state were delayed and humanitarian aid stolen by Hamas was blamed on Israel, the leaders of Hamas—whoever was still left standing—must have been startled that America had elected someone with the grit to issue a real threat.

Clearly, without Trump’s return to the Oval Office, no Israeli and American hostages would have been released on Sunday—or possibly ever. Israel didn’t need 15 months to end this war. It could have been over soon after it began—and with more hostages still alive. All that Israel required was to have its American ally bolt the door on the gathering mob of hectoring antisemites and get out of the way.

We are, however, where we are. But make no mistake: This negotiated ceasefire will not end well unless Trump and his revamped foreign policy team ensure that all remaining hostages are released, the remains of dead hostages are returned and all members of Hamas, Islamic Jihad and Palestinian “civilians” who participated in the Oct. 7 massacre pay the ultimate price for their crimes.

Because the resolution to the conflict, as it now stands, positively stinks. In the Middle East version of “Let’s Make a Deal,” I would have preferred skipping over this gambit and going straight to Door Number 2: the “all hell will break loose” option. I am curious to know what hell would look like for the millions of Palestinians still cheering for Hamas and celebrating the Oct. 7 bloodbath.

Almost instantly after the ceasefire was announced, Gazans took to the streets to bizarrely exult in some psychotic victory. If Gazans are celebrating the death of 44,000 of their own people and the ruination of the entire Strip, then this war is far from over.

Cheering in the streets is a telltale sign that Gazans have not quite had enough, and that Hamas’s promise of several more reenactments of Oct. 7 is something they are all actually counting on.

The world needs to understand what Israelis have long known: Palestinians are notably unlike the Confederate states at Appomattox, the British at Yorktown and Napoleon at Waterloo. They don’t seem to know when they have been defeated. Even complete decimation, in their minds, is construed as a win. Reality never sinks in. Such is the depth of their Jew-hating delusions.

This realization cannot be underestimated. All of Trump’s primary Cabinet secretaries testified this past week that there can be no Hamas in a reconstituted Gaza. But pursuant to the deal, Israel is scheduled to release 730 Palestinian prisoners, many of whom have either murdered Israelis or built weapons used for that purpose.

Once returned to Gaza, the West Bank or elsewhere, expect none of them to have found religion—other than the one they were already devout adherents of, the very same one that requires dead Jews as an article of faith. No matter what this negotiated ceasefire expressly states, these newly freed Palestinians will most certainly return to the only actual “occupation” that applies to them: terrorism.

And what does Israel receive in return? Three hostages at the outset, followed by 30 of the 90 believed to still be alive. Remember, the hostages were innocent civilians—elderly and children—who had been kidnapped and held for ransom and as bargaining chips for extortion. If the unbalanced moral ratio to this exchange sounds absurd, well ... it is.

Israelis know this to be dangerously true. But a sizable majority are prepared to accept even a bad deal if it means the eventual return of hostages. Will they all make it back? Are 90 still alive?

All throughout these negotiations, Hamas sought better terms on Palestinian prisoners because it knew what many terrorist aficionados had already suspected: far too many of the cards Hamas is holding are dead. That’s not a good look when you're trying to focus the world’s attention on dead Gazans killed by genocidal Israelis.

This legerdemain worked because it was only Israel that was expected to uphold humanitarian standards. The barbarism of Hamas was given a pass.

Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu has largely supported this defective deal. He had little choice. He had to trust Trump and not undermine the new president’s Day 1 demand. But didn’t Trump mean all the hostages? Why are we still negotiating with terrorists? Why are we not unloading the Trumpian hellscape on Gaza?

In order to finalize this deal, Netanyahu had to convince his War Cabinet and governing coalition of its merits. He knew that ultranationalists like Finance Minister Bezalel Smotrich and National Security Minister Itamar Ben Gvir would refuse to release any prisoners and thus add to the population of terrorists. Everyone also knew that, as it has always done in the past, Hamas would renege on its commitments. By then, Israel’s wartime pause would have normalized. A decision will then have to be made whether to reset the clock and resume the war or accept the status quo.

Once soldiers return home, a nation naturally loses its will to send them back into battle. Hopefully Israel will at least retain a military presence in the Philadelphi Corridor where Gaza and Egypt share a border. That’s where Hamas doubtlessly smuggled in its arsenal that set this war in motion and allowed it to continue.

Bibi is in a bind. Israel needs to see the return of the hostages, especially the elderly and children. But he also wants to retain his new title as Winston Churchill reincarnate—a far more heroic legacy than being remembered for the national security debacle that was Oct. 7. He was on the precipice of vanquishing Hamas and Islamic Jihad once and for all.

Obviously, Bibi is betting that Trump will not interfere if after the 42-day ceasefire all hostages are not returned, too many are no longer alive, rockets are still being fired and Hamas appears to be reconstituting with new recruits and old aspirations.

That’s not something Israel can accept, and the world needs to be prepared that this ceasefire could reignite.

Originally published by the Jewish Journal.

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Yemen's Iranian-backed Houthi militia has signaled that it will limit its maritime attacks in the Red Sea to only Israel-linked vessels, the Associated Press reported on Sunday.

The Houthis' Humanitarian Operations Coordination Center announced that the terror group was "stopping sanctions" on other vessels it has targeted since November 2023, according to the report.

For Israeli ships, the Houthis' attacks will only be stopped "upon the full implementation of all phases” of the Israel-Hamas ceasefire deal that went into effect on Sunday, it added.

"In the event of any aggression ... the sanctions will be reinstated against the aggressor state," the statement continued. "You will be promptly informed of such measures should they be implemented."

In November 2023, the Houthis announced they would attack any ship associated with the Jewish state. The Shi'ite terrorist organization said it would target all vessels operated or owned by Israeli companies as well as other ships bearing the "flag of the Zionist entity" in the Red Sea.

Houthi military spokesman Yahya Sarea called on all countries to withdraw their citizens working as crew members on Israeli ships, avoid working with Israeli freight carriers and steer clear of Israeli vessels.

The Houthis’ decision to target Israeli commercial vessels in the Red Sea was made in light “of what the Gaza Strip is being exposed to from the brutal Israeli-American aggression,” the terrorist spokesman added.

According to the Associated Press report, Houthi terrorists have since targeted more than 100 merchant vessels with missiles and drones.

The Israel Defense Forces has also bolstered its naval presence in the Red Sea area following repeated missile and drone attacks from Yemen.

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  • Words count:
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In an unprecedented break with tradition, Donald Trump's second presidential inauguration will move indoors to the Capitol rotunda on Monday, as severe weather conditions force a dramatic reshaping of the historic ceremony. The event, scheduled for 12:00 noon Washington time (19:00 Israel time), marks the first time in modern history that the full inaugural ceremony will be held inside the Capitol building.

The decision to relocate the ceremony, driven by extreme cold gripping the East Coast, has transformed the usual inaugural arrangements. While the rotunda will accommodate only 700 attendees, thousands will gather at Capital One Arena to witness the ceremony via live broadcast.

Among the confirmed attendees are outgoing President Joe Biden and Vice President Kamala Harris, former presidents Barack Obama and George Bush and an unprecedented gathering of technology industry leaders including Elon Musk, Jeff Bezos and Mark Zuckerberg. Chinese Vice President Han Zheng will represent Beijing at the ceremony.

The day's schedule maintains key inaugural traditions despite the venue change. Trump will begin at St. John's Church across from the White House for the traditional prayer service, followed by a meeting with the outgoing President Joe Biden and First Lady Jill Biden at the White House.

The hour-long swearing-in ceremony features carefully selected elements reflecting national unity. Supreme Court Justice Brett Kavanaugh will first administer the oath to incoming Vice President J.D. Vance. Chief Justice John Roberts will then swear in Trump, who has chosen to place his hand on two historically significant Bibles: his personal Bible from 1955 and the Lincoln Bible from 1861, previously used by Barack Obama.

The ceremony brings together religious leaders representing America's diverse faiths, including Cardinal Timothy Dolan, Rabbi Dr. Ari Berman of Yeshiva University, Reverend Lorenzo Sewell and Imam Houssam al-Husseini from Dearborn, Michigan. Al-Husseini's participation has drawn attention due to his controversial statements about Israel and support for the terrorist organization Hezbollah.

Musical performances will feature country singer Carrie Underwood performing "America the Beautiful" with the Armed Forces Choir and Naval Academy Choir, while opera singer Christopher Macchio will deliver the national anthem.

Following the inaugural address and Biden's farewell, Trump will proceed to the President's Room for his first official acts, the signing of initial presidential orders. A luncheon in the Capitol's Statuary Hall follows.

The traditional inaugural parade has been relocated to Capital One Arena, adapting to the severe weather conditions. The day concludes with three distinct inaugural balls, each targeting specific constituencies: the Commander-in-Chief's Ball for military personnel, featuring Rascal Flatts and Parker McCollum; the Liberty Ball for Trump supporters, with performances by Nelly, Jason Aldean and the Village People; and the Stars Ball for major donors, headlined by Gavin DeGraw.

The ceremonies follow Sunday's mass rally at Capital One Arena, where Trump appeared alongside celebrities including Kid Rock, Billy Ray Cyrus, Elon Musk, Hulk Hogan and actor John White. The event notably included a tribute to the Butler, Pennsylvania shooting in which Trump sustained a minor ear injury.

The indoor ceremony, while breaking with tradition, underscores the administration's commitment to proceeding with inaugural celebrations despite challenging weather conditions. The restricted attendance in the rotunda has necessitated careful planning to balance traditional protocols with practical limitations, creating what officials describe as a unique moment in American inaugural history.

Originally published by Israel Hayom.

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U.S. Sen. Ted Cruz (R-Texas) said on Sunday that he had presented pictures drawn by Israeli children held hostage in Gaza to President-elect Donald Trump.

“This week, I met with an Israeli hostage family who had been released from Gaza,” tweeted Cruz. “The beautiful children drew pictures for President Trump, and they asked me to deliver them.”

The senator, who is a staunch defender of Israel and has emerged as a close ally of the president-elect, said that he gave the pictures to Trump on Sunday.

https://twitter.com/tedcruz/status/1881027643543327076?s=46&t=kHyuzfI_2cK23z2YMvrm3Q
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  • Words count:
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German Chancellor Olaf Scholz said on Sunday that Germany has a responsibility to keep the memory of the Holocaust alive.

"I am against turning the page, saying 'that was long ago,'" Scholz told a gathering of the Jewish community in Frankfurt to mark the 80th anniversary of the liberation of the Auschwitz death camp in Nazi-occupied Poland.

Scholz also highlighted the "worrying and alarming normalization" of antisemitism amid Israel's 15-month war against Hamas in Gaza.

"The internet and social networks in particular often become a hotbed for extremist positions, incitement and hatred," the German leader warned.

He noted that such incitement puts citizens' lives in danger, adding that the authorities have a responsibility to protect them.

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  • Words count:
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The Jewish population of Judea, Samaria and the Jordan Valley grew by 12,297 in 2024, according to a report published over the weekend by the Yesha Council umbrella group of Jewish communities.

As of Jan. 1, 2025, 529,704 Israelis live in the territory, amounting to approximately 5.28% of the total population of the Jewish state.

That figure does not include the some 350,000 Jews living in the eastern part of Jerusalem, which the Palestinians claim despite it being part of the Jewish state’s capital.

The Yesha Council noted that the annual growth of Judea and Samaria's Jewish population is 2.38%—more than twice Israel's national rate. The report also noted that over the past decade, there has been an exceptional 36% increase in the territory's Jewish population.

The report also noted that 13% of all Israeli troops killed during the war sparked by Hamas's Oct. 7, 2023, attack were from Judea and Samaria.

Israel Ganz, who heads the Yesha Council, as well as the Binyamin Regional Council of communities in southern Samaria, said the data showed the "significant work that is taking place in Judea and Samaria."

"Every year, we see how the communities continue to grow and strengthen; a living example of the Zionist vision being realized," he said. "The growth in the communities is not just numbers, but the story of families, communities and pioneers from all over the country who see their place and future in the communities of Judea and Samaria."

Ganz said he expects the government in Jerusalem to "move to the next stage and apply proper sovereignty to this region of the country, and to stop discrimination against the country's dedicated citizens."

This year's report, he added, "emphasizes the role of the pioneers of Judea and Samaria as partners—not only in the forefront of settlement activity but also in maintaining Israel's security on the country's borders."

In 2023, the Jewish population in the territories liberated during the 1967 Six-Day War grew to 517,407, according to a previous report compiled by former Israeli lawmaker Ya'akov Katz based on Interior Ministry data. The January 2024 report projected the Jewish population in the area would reach 613,554 by 2030, 706,233 by 2035 and 1,020,506 by 2047.

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  • Words count:
    684 words
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  • Publication Date:
    Jan. 20, 2025
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In the realm of cinema, where the boundaries between good and evil are sharply drawn and the villains are unmistakably monstrous, one might imagine a collision as stark and tragic as the one currently unfolding in the Middle East. The reality, however, is far from fiction.

The contrast between two societies—one fighting to protect its citizens and the other entrenched in a culture of violence—is painfully evident. The fragile ceasefire brokered to exchange hostages and prisoners has exposed not just a sliver of hope, but also the enduring abyss of hatred that fuels Hamas.

The scenes of joy accompanying the release of Israeli hostages like Romi, Emily and Doron—imprisoned for over a year in the brutal confines of Hamas’s regime—were a bittersweet reminder of human resilience. These young women, held captive in a society that thrives on terror, were finally returned to their families. Yet, their liberation only underscores the broader tragedy. More than 90 other hostages remain in captivity, their fate uncertain as negotiations continue.

Stark realities on the ground

In southern Israel, the rescue helicopters landed on the same grounds where Hamas committed atrocities during the Nova music festival massacre. The joy of the moment could not mask the persistent tension. Israeli soldiers, medical teams and journalists bore witness to the sobering reality: the war is far from over and the ceasefire remains tenuous. Political fractures within Israel, including the resignation of figures like Itamar Ben-Gvir, reveal a nation grappling with its democratic values while prioritizing the immediate goal of saving lives.

Meanwhile, in Gaza, the atmosphere is chillingly different. The “liberation” of prisoners by Hamas is accompanied by triumphant rallies, orchestrated with the precision of a military parade. Thousands of men, armed and jubilant, crowd the streets, chanting slogans of defiance and displaying the ethos of an organization committed to perpetuating violence. The release of Palestinian prisoners—some of them hardened militants—signals Hamas’s intent to regroup and continue its so-called holy war against Israel.

A ceasefire as a pretext for war

Hamas’s celebrations are not a prelude to peace, but a calculated effort to rearm and reorganize. Despite agreements aimed at demilitarizing Gaza, evidence suggests that humanitarian aid, including truckloads of food and supplies, is being diverted to bolster Hamas’s infrastructure. The militant group has reinstated its control, complete with armed guards, green headbands and military-style parades.

The ongoing release of prisoners—700 in the first phase, potentially rising to 1,700—raises grave concerns. Many of these individuals have been convicted of terrorism and their return to Gaza risks further inflaming the region. Among them are young men likely to embrace the path of martyrdom, perpetuating the cycle of violence that has plagued the area for decades.

The ethical abyss of Hamas’s rule

The ethos of Hamas, marked by hatred, violence, and the subjugation of dissent, continues to dominate Gaza. Reports of ideological purges and the brutal silencing of opposition underscore the regime’s stranglehold on the territory. A lone woman protesting against the celebratory distribution of sweets is a stark reminder of the oppressive environment that stifles even the smallest acts of defiance.

Israel has vowed to dismantle Hamas’s rule in Gaza, but the path forward is fraught with uncertainty. While the international community has called for peace, meaningful pressure to liberate Gaza from the Hamas grip remains elusive. Without global intervention, the people of Gaza risk being perpetually trapped under the shadow of an organization that thrives on war and oppression.

Hope amid uncertainty

As Israel navigates the challenges ahead, the smiles of its rescued daughters serve as a poignant reminder of what is at stake. These moments of joy, though fleeting, embody the resilience of a nation determined to protect its people and uphold its values. Yet, the broader question remains: Can the world muster the resolve to address the root causes of this conflict and bring lasting peace to a region that has seen too much suffering? For now, Israel braces for an uncertain future, holding tightly to the hope embodied in the faces of those it has saved.

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  • Words count:
    404 words
  • Type of content:
    Update Desk
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    Jan. 20, 2025

Israel Defense Forces Staff Sgt. Oron Shaul, whose body was recovered from Gaza by Israeli security forces on Sunday, was set to be laid to rest in Porio Illit, just west of the Sea of Galilee, on Monday at 2 p.m.

Shaul fell in combat in the Gaza neighborhood of Shuja'iyya on July 20, 2014, during the IDF's “Operation Protective Edge.” His remains were held by Hamas for more than 10 years.

“I didn’t believe I’d reach this moment. I have chills all over," his mother Zehava told Ynet. "I want to thank all those who made the supreme effort to return Oron to me; what I thought would not happen. Here, it happened. I am very excited. It’s hard for me to even speak. I am very grateful to the prime minister and the defense establishment. I thank all the soldiers ... I hope all the abductees who are still in Gaza will return,” she said.

Oron’s brother, Aviram, said that it was a difficult, bittersweet moment for the family.

“This is closure for the family, that received relief, comfort and peace. We are still not processing [the return of his body], it’s hard to express in words what I'm feeling,” he said.

Israeli security forces retrieved the body in a covert operation in the Gaza Strip that involved special units of the Israel Defense Forces and the Israel Security Agency (Shin Bet).

Following the operation, the Coordinator of Government Activities in the Territories (COGAT), Maj. Gen. Rassan Alian, and the commander of the Golani Brigade, Col. Adi Ganon, visited Shaul’s family.

Alian, who served as the commander of the Golani Brigade, in which Shaul served, during "Protective Edge," expressed his condolences to the family and emphasized the IDF’s commitment to working toward the return of all abductees currently held captive in the Gaza Strip.

Ganon said, “The Golani Brigade will continue to embrace and support the family. In an emotional closure, forces from Battalion 51 took part in the emotional rescue operation alongside other special forces. The Shaul family, your Oron, our Oron, has returned home.”

According to Israeli estimates, there are 97 hostages still in Hamas captivity in Gaza, including 94 abducted during the Oct. 7 attacks.

Of the 251 hostages taken on Oct. 7, 157 have been returned or rescued, and Hamas is believed to be holding 35 bodies, 34 of them taken on Oct. 7, 2023. Lt. Hadar Goldin's remains were kidnapped by the terror group in 2014.

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