Released hostage Emily Damari arrives at Sheba Medical Center at Tel Hashomer in Ramat Gan, on Jan. 19, 2025. Photo by Yonatan Sindel/Flash90.
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Headline
Fragile smiles: Hamas ceasefire and the shadow of war
Intro
While the international community has called for peace, meaningful pressure to liberate Gaza from the Hamas grip remains elusive.
text

In the realm of cinema, where the boundaries between good and evil are sharply drawn and the villains are unmistakably monstrous, one might imagine a collision as stark and tragic as the one currently unfolding in the Middle East. The reality, however, is far from fiction.

The contrast between two societies—one fighting to protect its citizens and the other entrenched in a culture of violence—is painfully evident. The fragile ceasefire brokered to exchange hostages and prisoners has exposed not just a sliver of hope, but also the enduring abyss of hatred that fuels Hamas.

The scenes of joy accompanying the release of Israeli hostages like Romi, Emily and Doron—imprisoned for over a year in the brutal confines of Hamas’s regime—were a bittersweet reminder of human resilience. These young women, held captive in a society that thrives on terror, were finally returned to their families. Yet, their liberation only underscores the broader tragedy. More than 90 other hostages remain in captivity, their fate uncertain as negotiations continue.

Stark realities on the ground

In southern Israel, the rescue helicopters landed on the same grounds where Hamas committed atrocities during the Nova music festival massacre. The joy of the moment could not mask the persistent tension. Israeli soldiers, medical teams and journalists bore witness to the sobering reality: the war is far from over and the ceasefire remains tenuous. Political fractures within Israel, including the resignation of figures like Itamar Ben-Gvir, reveal a nation grappling with its democratic values while prioritizing the immediate goal of saving lives.

Meanwhile, in Gaza, the atmosphere is chillingly different. The “liberation” of prisoners by Hamas is accompanied by triumphant rallies, orchestrated with the precision of a military parade. Thousands of men, armed and jubilant, crowd the streets, chanting slogans of defiance and displaying the ethos of an organization committed to perpetuating violence. The release of Palestinian prisoners—some of them hardened militants—signals Hamas’s intent to regroup and continue its so-called holy war against Israel.

A ceasefire as a pretext for war

Hamas’s celebrations are not a prelude to peace, but a calculated effort to rearm and reorganize. Despite agreements aimed at demilitarizing Gaza, evidence suggests that humanitarian aid, including truckloads of food and supplies, is being diverted to bolster Hamas’s infrastructure. The militant group has reinstated its control, complete with armed guards, green headbands and military-style parades.

The ongoing release of prisoners—700 in the first phase, potentially rising to 1,700—raises grave concerns. Many of these individuals have been convicted of terrorism and their return to Gaza risks further inflaming the region. Among them are young men likely to embrace the path of martyrdom, perpetuating the cycle of violence that has plagued the area for decades.

The ethical abyss of Hamas’s rule

The ethos of Hamas, marked by hatred, violence, and the subjugation of dissent, continues to dominate Gaza. Reports of ideological purges and the brutal silencing of opposition underscore the regime’s stranglehold on the territory. A lone woman protesting against the celebratory distribution of sweets is a stark reminder of the oppressive environment that stifles even the smallest acts of defiance.

Israel has vowed to dismantle Hamas’s rule in Gaza, but the path forward is fraught with uncertainty. While the international community has called for peace, meaningful pressure to liberate Gaza from the Hamas grip remains elusive. Without global intervention, the people of Gaza risk being perpetually trapped under the shadow of an organization that thrives on war and oppression.

Hope amid uncertainty

As Israel navigates the challenges ahead, the smiles of its rescued daughters serve as a poignant reminder of what is at stake. These moments of joy, though fleeting, embody the resilience of a nation determined to protect its people and uphold its values. Yet, the broader question remains: Can the world muster the resolve to address the root causes of this conflict and bring lasting peace to a region that has seen too much suffering? For now, Israel braces for an uncertain future, holding tightly to the hope embodied in the faces of those it has saved.

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Three Israeli men regained their freedom on Saturday, after 498 days of captivity in the Gaza Strip.

The hostages were handed over to representatives of the Red Cross at a staged event in Khan Yunis, in the southern Gaza Strip, shortly after 10 a.m., and to the IDF and the Israeli Security Agency (Shin Bet) at approximately 10:30, and were being escorted to Israeli territory for an initial medical examination.

Alexandre (“Sasha”) Troufanov, 29, who has dual Russian citizenship, had been held by the Palestinian Islamic Jihad terrorist organization, while American-Israeli Sagui Dekel-Chen, 36, and Argentinian-Israeli Yair Horn, 46, were captives of Hamas.

In return, Israel is to release 369 terrorists later on Saturday—36 serving life sentences, most of who will go to the Gaza Strip or Egypt, and 333 terrorism suspects apprehended inside the Gaza Strip since the Hamas-led invasion of the northwestern Negev on Oct. 7, 2023, according to figures from the Palestinian Authority Prisoners Ministry.

All three hostages were kidnapped from Kibbutz Nir Oz.

Troufanov was abducted along with his mother, Yelena Trufanov; his grandmother Irena Tati; and his girlfriend, Sapir Cohen. His mother and grandmother were freed by Hamas on Nov. 29, 2023, at the request of Russian President Vladimir Putin, while Cohen was released as part of a ceasefire deal that same month. Troufanov's father, Vitaly, was killed during the Oct. 7 massacre.

Sagui Dekel-Chen was also taken from Nir Oz during the terrorist invasion. His mother, Neomit, was taken captive along with neighbors in an electric cart that was headed toward Gaza when an Israeli Air Force helicopter shot at the terrorists and driver. Neomit was wounded and escaped. Dekel-Chen's third daughter, Shachar, was born two months later.

Yair Horn's brother Eitan, 38, who was visiting from Kfar Saba, was also kidnapped and is still in the Gaza Strip. 

Since the ceasefire entered into force on Jan. 19, 19 Israeli and five Thai hostages have been released in exchange for 566 Palestinian terrorists held in Israeli prisons. The latter figure is to rise to 935 later on Saturday.

During the first six weeks of the ceasefire, a total of 33 hostages are set to be freed in exchange for approximately 1,900 Palestinian terrorists held in Israel. Hamas says eight on the list of 33 captives have died inside the Gaza Strip.

Saturday's exchange of hostages for terrorists was the sixth such round under Phase 1 of the ceasefire that took effect on Jan. 19 and is to end on March 1. Talks are ongoing on Phase 2 and 3.

The war began on Oct. 7, 2023, when Gazan terrorists killed around 1,200 people and took 251 hostages.

Seventy-three hostages remain inside the Strip, including 70 kidnapped on Oct. 7.

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Some 3,500 Jewish teens from 50 countries gathered in Denver on Thursday night for the opening ceremony of the B’nai B’rith Youth Organization (BBYO) International Convention, kicking off the youth movement’s annual weekend-long retreat.

Organizers told JNS that it is the largest annual gathering of Jewish teen leaders worldwide. The event includes leadership training, cultural programs and guest speakers, bringing together thousands of teens to connect, learn and celebrate their Jewish identity.

The conference kicked off with a high-energy bash when thousands of teens gathered in a sprawling ballroom to hear inspiring speakers and live music (American singer-songwriter and record producer Andy Grammer performed).

Debbie Shemony, BBYO's senior vice president of marketing and communication, told JNS that the lively ceremony set the tone for the whole retreat.

“It’s all about rallying the teens,” she said. “Some arrive a little earlier but for most, this is the official kickoff, and the goal is to start the weekend with a sense of pride—both in being Jewish and in being part of BBYO.”

She added that “beyond the speakers and performances, one of the most powerful moments is the country roll call. Each country sends one or two representatives onto the stage—wearing their national colors or BBYO spirit gear—to declare their presence.”

“To see these kids shouting, ‘Moldova is here! Argentina is here! Canada is here!’—that kind of global representation and feeling that energy is a huge part of what makes it special.”

The annual retreat gives Jewish teens in local BBYO chapters the chance to connect with peers from chapters around the world, according to Shemony.

The conference, she said, “is our movement’s annual gathering, and it has grown tremendously in scope over the last two decades. I’ve been here nine years—my first IC was in 2016, and we had 2,000 teens. Now, we’re up to nearly 4,000. And with this year’s event in Denver, we have representation from 49 countries.”

BBYO Convention in Denver
Jewish teens from the United States and abroad at the opening ceremony of BBYO's International Convention in Denver on Feb. 13, 2025. Credit: Jason Dixson Photography.

‘So sheltered in my little Miami bubble’

Daniel Solomon, 15, a sophomore in high school from Winnipeg, Canada, told JNS that the opening ceremony was “pretty hype.”

“The whole purpose is to get everyone excited for the conference, which is about inspiring Jewish teens,” he said. “I'm just looking forward to bonding with friends and trying out all the experiences they have to offer this weekend.”

Olivia Weissberg, 17, a high school junior from Hollywood, Fla., told JNS that she secured her tickets for the convention last October, which she said sold out in a matter of minutes.

“The opening ceremony was so cool and overwhelming,” she said. “It was awesome to meet people from all over because I feel so sheltered in my little Miami bubble; it’s just our Hispanics and our Israelis. But here, we get to meet Jewish teens from all over the world.”

“We have a Jewish community where I live but not to this extent,” said the South Florida teen. “The best thing is that we don’t have to watch our back, and I don’t have to be scared to be Jewish here. Even at the local JCC something bad can happen, but here, I feel so safe with all of my people.” (Weissberg was referring to Jewish Community Centers found throughout the United States.)

BBYO Convention in Denver
Jewish teens from the United States and abroad at the opening ceremony of BBYO's International Convention in Denver on Feb. 13, 2025. Credit: Jason Dixson Photography.

Noah Lerhman,18, a high school senior from St. Louis, told JNS that the conference “is about engaging, socializing and meeting new Jewish people from all over the world. It’s awesome.”

He added that the opening ceremony was bittersweet; in his final year at school, it will be his last retreat with BBYO.

“I’m going to miss it,” he said. “There have been some good memories here. It was kind of a bummer knowing it was my last opening ceremony, but at the same time, it was absolutely fun.”

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U.S. President Donald Trump’s plan to relocate Palestinians from Gaza has “shaken the entire system” of regional thinking on how to approach the Palestinians, a former general in the Israel Defense Forces said on Thursday.

Brig. Gen. (Ret.) Effie Defrin told reporters at an event hosted by the Jewish Institute for National Security of America (JINSA) that Trump’s plan to rebuild Gaza while Palestinians are housed in third countries has scrambled the approach of Arab leaders throughout the region.

“He actually shook the system. He shook the box,” Defrin said. “The entire region is shaken now, and it’s good. It’s good for the cause. Because for more than seven decades, eight decades, we have repeated the same mistakes and same solutions to the old problem without any progress.”

One sign of how far the acceptable range of discourse on Gaza has shifted since Trump took office came at the UAE-hosted World Government Summit in Abu Dhabi on Wednesday when Yousef Al Otaiba, the Emirati ambassador to Washington, said that he does not see any alternative to Trump’s plan.

“I don’t see an alternative to what’s being proposed. I really don’t,” the Arab diplomat said. “So if someone has one, we’re happy to discuss it, we’re happy to explore it, but it hasn’t surfaced yet.”

Defrin described how different Arab states have reacted to the potentially explosive political fallout from a plan for the United States to “own” territory they have long insisted should be part of a future Palestinian state.

“The Jordanians are trying to walk in between the raindrops without getting wet,” Defrin said.

‘They built a very nice concrete wall’

During his visit to Washington on Tuesday, Jordan’s King Abdullah II demurred on the Trump plan, saying that it was premature to endorse any plan before the Arab countries agreed to a forthcoming, Egyptian-led counter-proposal.

“We will be in Saudi Arabia to discuss how we can work with the president and with the United States,” Abdullah said. “Let’s wait until the Egyptians can come and present it to the president, and not get ahead of ourselves.”

The Egyptians are likely to be much more “blunt” about insisting that the Palestinians of Gaza remain within the coastal enclave with Egyptian President Abdel Fattah el-Sisi saying “from day one” that Egypt “won’t accept even one Palestinian refugee,” according to Defrin.

“They love the Gazans so much, they built a very nice concrete wall, six meters high, right behind our fence—between the fence between Gaza and Egypt,” he said. 

Questions about the future of Gaza hinge on whether Hamas releases the three hostages scheduled to be exchanged on Saturday under phase one of the ceasefire plan and whether they release the remaining 14 phase-one hostages over the course of the following week, according to the terms of the negotiations.

“The Jordanians are trying to walk in between the raindrops without getting wet.”

Brig. Gen. (Ret.) Effie Defrin

Maj. Gen. (Ret.) Yaakov Amidror, speaking at the same JINSA event on Thursday, said that should the ceasefire collapse, the resumption of the war in Gaza would look nothing like the previous rounds of fighting.

“It would be all out,” said Amidror, who served as Israeli national security advisor from 2011 to 2013. “There would be much less constraint than in the past.”

Amidror said he believed that Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu would have to balance the demands of the Israeli public with what is possible within his governing coalition in negotiating phase two of the ceasefire with Hamas and the release of more hostages.

“The prime minister will have to find a fine line,” Amidror said. Some “65% to 75% of Israelis from all aspects of the political spectrum believe that we should continue negotiations.”

“I think it is more about what the prime minister can do within its own coalition, in which there is a strong wing declaring that they will not allow any negotiations about a second [phase],” he added.

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In recent years, there has been a noticeable shift in global attitudes toward jihadist movements. While much of the world once viewed groups like the Taliban as untouchable extremist organizations, today, we see a creeping normalization of their presence on the world stage. This shift is not just about the Taliban; it reflects a broader trend where governments and institutions engage with jihadist elements, sometimes under the guise of pragmatism.

But what does this mean for global security, ideological warfare and the long-term consequences of such normalization?

The Taliban’s re-emergence as a recognized power in Afghanistan is one of the clearest examples of this trend. Since their return to power, they have engaged in diplomatic relations with several countries. What was once an insurgent group designated as a terrorist organization by many nations is now receiving diplomatic recognition and financial aid. The Taliban’s ideology, rooted in extremist interpretations of Islam, stood in stark opposition to global norms of human rights and governance.

Yet the world’s response to its role in Afghanistan has been tepid at best. Humanitarian concerns have largely been overshadowed by geopolitical interests. Countries that once waged war against the Taliban are now working with them under the rationale of stability. This cooperation sends a dangerous message that extremist groups can outlast their opposition and eventually be accepted as legitimate rulers.

Beyond the Taliban, the evolving situation in Syria provides another example of jihadist normalization. Syria’s interim president, Ahmed al-Sharaa (aka Abu Mohammad al-Julani), recently visited Saudi Arabia on his first foreign trip. While this visit signals a potential thaw in relations between Syria and the Gulf states, it also raises concerns about broader implications of engaging with actors who have ties to jihadist groups.

For years, Syria has been a battleground where jihadist factions, including Al-Qaeda affiliates and remnants of ISIS, have played a central role. Even as governments try to rehabilitate Syria’s standing, the presence of radical elements within its political landscape cannot be ignored. Its interim leadership has connections to jihadist groups and engaging diplomatically with such a regime risks reinforcing the influence of extremist networks. The normalization of relations with Syria without addressing these concerns could create a precedent that allows jihadist-affiliated figures to gain legitimacy on the world stage.

This pattern extends beyond Afghanistan and Syria, as other regions face similar challenges. In Africa, terrorist groups like Boko Haram and Al-Shabaab have engaged in dialogue with various governments and international actors, often under the pretext of conflict resolution and peace negotiations. While some argue that engaging with such groups could lead to stability, the long-term risks cannot be ignored. Offering these organizations legitimacy without addressing their extremist ideologies can embolden their movements and encourage other radical groups to adopt similar strategies.

Additionally, the role of major world powers in this shift cannot be overlooked. Nations with vested geopolitical interests often prioritize strategic alliances over ethical considerations. Some countries have engaged with jihadist-linked groups indirectly, providing financial aid or military support to factions that align with their short-term political goals. This pragmatic approach risks undermining counterterrorism efforts worldwide and could contribute to the resurgence of extremist factions in volatile regions.

The media’s role in shaping perceptions of these developments is also crucial. The way international news outlets portray jihadist-affiliated groups can influence public opinion and policymaking. In some cases, media narratives have shifted to focus on pragmatism rather than ideology, portraying engagement with such groups as a necessary evil rather than a strategic risk. This gradual shift in framing could contribute to desensitization, making the normalization process appear more acceptable over time.

Furthermore, the economic dimensions of jihadist diplomacy must not be overlooked. Some extremist groups have integrated into local economies, controlling key resources and trade routes. Governments and international organizations engaging with these groups often justify their actions by citing economic stability and humanitarian concerns. However, such engagement can inadvertently empower these factions financially, allowing them to expand their influence and operations.

By engaging diplomatically with jihadist-linked groups, world powers risk legitimizing their ideologies, which could inspire other extremist movements to follow similar paths. Nations that once took a hard stance against jihadist organizations are now reconsidering their positions, potentially undermining years of counterterrorism efforts. If jihadist groups learn that perseverance and political maneuvering can lead to eventual recognition, more insurgencies could emerge, further destabilizing volatile regions.

The world’s increasing willingness to engage with jihadist groups sets a dangerous precedent. While some argue that diplomacy is necessary for stability, it must not come at the cost of legitimizing extremism. The Taliban’s recognition and Syria’s diplomatic reintegration all point to a broader shift—one that could have profound consequences for global security. If the international community fails to address this growing trend with a critical and cautious approach, it risks not only normalizing jihadist groups but also enabling their expansion. Instead of softening stances out of political expediency, world leaders must reaffirm their commitment to countering extremism and ensuring that normalization does not come at the expense of security and human rights.

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For the first time since being released on Feb.1 as part of the ceasefire deal, former hostage Keith Siegel, an American-Israeli, released a video on Friday detailing his experience in captivity.

“My name is Keith Siegel, and I am a 65-year-old American citizen,” the video began, featuring Siegel in a blue sweater with a yellow hostage pin. “I love country music, and I love pancakes on Saturday morning. But that was my previous life. Since Feb. 1, I am a newly released Hamas hostage. I am a survivor.”

https://twitter.com/mbrooksrjc/status/1890388271047348735

He described his conditions as “unimaginable,” feeling that “every single day” could be his last.

“When I was in Gaza, I lived in constant fear, fear for my life and my personal safety,” said Siegel. “I was starved and tortured both physically and emotionally. When the war intensified, the terrorists who held me treated me even worse than usual. The terrorists kicked me, spat on me, and held me with no water, no light, and no air to breathe.”

He also repeatedly thanked U.S. President Donald Trump for his release.

“President Trump, you are the reason I am home alive,” he said. “You are the reason I was reunited with my beloved wife, four children and five grandchildren. Thank you for your continued fight against terror and for your bold leadership that has brought me and many others back home to our families, to safety and security.”

“I trust your leadership, Mr. President,” he added. “The helpless hostages in the dark, cold tunnels of Gaza also trust you. Please bring them home.”

Sen. Thom Tillis (R-N.C) reacted to the testimony by Siegel, originally from North Carolina, in captivity in the Gaza Strip.

“It’s heart-wrenching to hear of the pain and torture Hamas inflicted against Keith,” wrote Tillis. “Thank you, President Trump and his administration, for bringing him home. Hamas is pure evil, and I will continue to support efforts to fully eliminate them and stand by Israel.”

“A chilling video from Hamas hostage Keith Siegel on his time in captivity,” wrote Matt Brooks, CEO of the Republican Jewish Coalition. “It’s heartbreaking what he and his family had to endure. He is a hero.”

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Despite U.S. President Donald Trump’s swift movement on combating antisemitism and educational reform through his series of executive orders, he may not be going nearly far enough.

Title VI lawsuits, investigations and revoking federal funds will fall short of ensuring that administrators and faculty prioritize their students and the integrity of their institutions. Recent settlements between Rutgers, Harvard, George Washington and other universities with the U.S. Department of Education offer empty promises. Adopting the International Holocaust Remembrance Alliance’s (IHRA) working definition of antisemitism or providing Jewish identity training will unlikely foster necessary and meaningful change.

One place to look for meaningful change, however, is in the passage of the 2002 Sarbanes-Oxley Act (SOX) in the aftermath of the Enron scandal. SOX substantially reduced corporate fraud, proving a successful effort at reform.

Historically and presently, when victims of misconduct file complaints, school administrators tend to deploy an array of DARVO tactics: Deny, Attack and Reverse roles of Victim and Offender with the intent to silence them. These tactics embolden the perpetrators and further harm victims, adding more poison to the scheme’s cauldron.

A stark example can be seen in the eruption of sexual-abuse cover-ups: Jerry Sandusky’s molestation of more than 100 boys at Penn State University, and Michigan State University’s disgraced Dr. Larry Nassar who sexually assaulted some 350 elite gymnasts. MSU was fully aware of Nassar’s heinous acts for more than 20 years and denied his wrongdoing—claiming that victims misinterpreted Nassar’s medical exams—and attacked them for speaking out. In the end, MSU paid $500 million to settle the case. USA Gymnastics went bankrupt. Hundreds of millions of taxpayer dollars were wasted.

These cases, among hundreds of others, happened under administrative purview and the knowledge of local authorities. Not a single administrator was held personally accountable.

Campus antisemitism similarly thrives due to deliberate administrative neglect. School officials justify the “Free Palestine” movement under the guise of First Amendment rights while allowing a hostile learning environment. What began as sporadic protests and vandalism escalated to storming of school buildings, class disruptions and even pouring concrete into campus toilets. The misconduct is met with empty condemnations and sometimes suspensions. But these consequences are insufficient. They fail to deter the students and faculty from inciting further harm.

Qatar and China, along with entities such as the Middle East Studies Association (MESA) and Faculty and Staff for Justice in Palestine (FSJP), have embedded themselves into various American universities. Like Confucius Institutes, most of which have been shut down for promoting Chinese soft-power objectives, MESA and Qatari influence similarly advances anti-Western, anti-Jewish ideologies.

George Washington University’s Institute of Middle East Studies (IMES), affiliated with MESA and Qatar Foundation International, hosts symposiums that consistently defend Hamas’s “right to resistance.” The most troubling moment came when an IMES guest panelist at their April 2024 conference, “Middle East Knowledge Production in the Aftermath of October 7th,” suggested that academics subtly promote pro-BDS content in classrooms, particularly in states where the Boycott, Divestment and Sanctions movement is prohibited.

All universities that receive federal funding are governed by the Office of Research Integrity. The law on “research misconduct” states that when research significantly deviates from accepted standards and is committed deliberately, legal action may be warranted if supported by a preponderance of evidence. However, administrators disregard these guidelines and allow their faculty to disseminate distorted scholarship and suppress viewpoint diversity. Through what amounts to academic misconduct, distorted history and politicized lies are disguised as legitimate scholarship.

Upon reports of academic misconduct, administrators and provosts invoke and misappropriate the legal shield of “academic freedom.” The misuse and abuse of this principle undermines educational integrity, the health of the university community and the civic character of our nation.

True deterrence for misconduct—sexual, antisemitic or academic—will only be achieved when administrators are under the helm of personal liability for covering it up, facing consequences ranging from losing educational licenses to practice, financial penalties, and in severe cases, imprisonment.

Trump and Congress have a unique opportunity to implement structural changes to prevent the mismanagement of federal funds and taxpayer dollars, and the exploitation of vulnerable students. To counter a culture of impunity, the Trump administration can apply similar legislation to that of SOX to educational institutions.

After what was considered one of the most infamous scandals in American history, Congress passed legislation that required CEOs, CFOs and accounting firms to personally certify the accuracy of their company's financial statements. They would be met with personal liability and even criminal penalties for false certifications.

Such a framework for accountability must be implemented and applied to education reform. School officials, like corporate executives, must certify the accuracy of incident reports—covering all types of violations—monthly. As for antisemitism specifically, such certification of incidents would ensure that administrators cannot downplay or dismiss complaints as mere political speech or academic freedom. Much like SOX’s requirements for corporate financial statements, reports would be checked for accuracy and timeliness; contain the necessary details as provided by complainants; and flag discrepancies between case resolutions and laws.

The framework would also establish a centralized, transparent reporting portal, whereby all university stakeholders can report misconduct. This portal would be publicly accessible, with names anonymized until investigations are completed.

Furthermore, misconduct investigations should be conducted by an independent pool of randomly selected investigators, as opposed to university-affiliated ones. Currently, school officials serve as the judge, jury and executioner, leading to conflicts of interest during the investigative process. For fairness and impartiality, an independent investigative body much like the SOX-designed Public Company Accounting Oversight Board consisting of randomly selected certified and trained professionals, should oversee misconduct cases.

Completely eliminating misconduct is impossible. However, this model and related legislation can ensure that school officials uphold legal and ethical standards, ultimately helping to restore the integrity of our American educational institutions.

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Sen. Dan Sullivan (R-Ark.), introduced legislation this week to strengthen sanctions against Iran, expand U.S. defense cooperation with Israel and block funding for the International Criminal Court in The Hague.

Dan Sullivan
Sen. Dan Sullivan (R-Alaska). Credit: Official U.S. Senate Portrait via Wikimedia Commons.

“Taken together, this suite of bills sends a clear message that the United States stands firmly with Israel,” said Sullivan, a member of the Senate Armed Services Committee. “To better protect our interests at home and strengthen our alliance with Israel, we must strengthen the U.S.-Israel security partnership and stand with Israel against antisemitic institutions that threaten the existence of our closest ally in the Middle East.”

The Iran bill would increase sanctions on the Islamic Republic and institutions like Chinese banks, shipping companies and insurance providers that help the country sell its oil. It would require a plan to phase out waivers given to some countries to buy Iranian oil.

It would also set up an interagency task force to track those oil sales and identify any other sanctions needed.

The bipartisan bill is co-sponsored by Sen. Richard Blumenthal (D-Conn.), John Cornyn (R-Texas) and Pete Ricketts (R-Neb.).

The United States-Israel Defense Partnership Act of 2025 would extend and expand current security programs involving the two countries, plus establish new initiatives to increase cooperation on defense issues such as countering drones and working to stop tunnels into Israel.

That legislation also is bipartisan with Blumenthal, Ricketts, Gary Peters (D-Mich.) and Jacky Rosen (D-Nev.) among the co-sponsors.

The Stop the ICC Act would ban funding for the ICC and prohibit cooperation with it in response to its decision to issue warrants for Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu and his former defense minister, Yoav Gallant, as well as Hamas leadership. 

The decision created “a false equivalence between Israel and Hamas, a terrorist organization,” according to the release.

The measure, co-sponsored by Sen. Tom Cotton (R-Ark.), would also stop any U.S. economic support for the Palestinian Authority based on its cooperation with the ICC.

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The never-ending U.S. political campaign cycle means that Republicans “can’t afford to take baby steps” in their efforts to convert more Jewish voters, says the former Jewish engagement director for the Republican National Committee.

Ryan Mermer, a native of Palm Beach County, Fla., who now serves as the Miami Young Republicans Jewish engagement director, told JNS that critical work is already underway, with an eye toward the 2026 midterms and 2028 presidential election.

“It starts from day one, going back to the drawing board. We learn from our mistakes, and we also celebrate our victories,” said the 33-year-old. “It’s about community outreach and having every voice feel heard, having every voice feel respected, having every voice honored.”

A host of organizations and communities, such as the young Jewish conservatives movement, the Zionist Organization of America, the Republican Jewish Coalition and AIPAC are helping to lead the ongoing engagement effort, he said.

Still, he was quick to point out that the movement isn’t being outsourced, and is being powered at the grassroots level.

Mermer, who was the RNC Jewish engagement director in 2022, is now the first Jewish engagement director of any Young Republican group, serving in South Florida, which he calls the “hub of young Jewish conservatives.”

“Down where we live, Jewish engagement is strong and robust, and we are continuously having different activities, different events,” Mermer said. “We also unify the Miami Young Republicans with the Young Jewish Conservatives, Miami GOP, Broward GOP, Broward Young Republicans, Palm Beach Young Republicans. So we integrate with a collective goal.”

Mermer, founder and principal consultant at Shalom Strategies, a campaign advisory firm, pointed to key areas with heavy Jewish populations, like the Miami suburb of Aventura and the heavily religious community of Lakewood, N.J., which saw significant gains by Republicans in November, as the result of greater Jewish conservative engagement and a more organized event than in the previous cycle.

“In 2022, I am able to recognize that I was not able to host enough Jewish outreach events in the swing districts across the U.S.,” said Mermer, while pointing to his time building voter support in the northeastern United States as a “net positive.”

Ryan Mermer
Ryan Mermer with Florida Gov. Ron DeSantis. Credit: Courtesy.

Dollars allocated towards a Jewish engagement office in Boca Raton “helped the municipal races but not necessarily the additional congressional races we were going for in 2022,” Mermer said.

He credits Martin Marks—the Trump 2024 campaign’s Jewish outreach director—for focusing more heavily on the swing states and said the next focus should be “on those congressional districts which have a Jewish leaning. They may be able to lean Republican next cycle, which would strengthen our congressional majority.”

“We saw all 50 states have a Republican surge, which is really something quite unheard of,” Mermer said. “Regarding Jewish engagement going forward, I would say more outreach, more dollars spent, more involvement, more engagement, more events, leads to more understanding, and it brings together our entire community so that we may all be on the same page.”

‘We keep marching forward’

Following a fuller post-mortem on November’s elections and their consequences, Mermer said he is “maybe not so surprised, but very excited, by the Republican uptick in traditional Democratic strongholds like New York State and New Jersey.”

He said “New Jersey is at the teetering point of becoming Republican, where there is a robust Jewish community. I would say, right behind New York, California had phenomenal numbers in the Jewish areas—Beverly Hills, so on and so forth.”

He also pointed to strong gains in the Sunshine State, where, he said, “the Jewish community, again, had record-breaking numbers” in supporting the Republican Party.

The chair of the Florida Democratic Party, Nikki Fried, said prior to the election that the response by the Biden administration to anti-Israel campus protests had alienated some Florida Jews.

Ryan Mermer
From left: Former Trump administration official and Michigan congressional candidate John Gibbs, U.S. President Donald Trump and Ryan Mermer. Credit: Courtesy.

But Jewish Republicans seem to understand that they can no longer rely purely on an anti-Joe Biden or anti-Kamala Harris sentiment and instead push their own positive agenda in the wake of 2024’s gains.

“The sense I get is excitement, jubilation, and we keep marching forward,” Mermer said. “We don’t stay where we’re at. We keep marching forward to more congressional, more gubernatorial, more senatorial victories.”

That must include, according to Mermer, a full effort to court Jews from across the spectrum. While Orthodox and Conservative Jews feel more favorable toward Republicans, more liberal Jews, which constitute the vast majority of the American Jewish population, still show up for Democrats in great measure.

Mermer rejected the notion that Republicans look at this as a “divide,” asserting that it must be viewed as an opportunity to unite.

“I don’t think we can afford baby steps. This is our time to reach across the aisle,” Mermer said of pursuing Democratic Jewish voters. “It’s a time for understanding. It’s a time for compassion. It’s not a time to taunt and bully the left, but to reach across and make an effort and look at what they’re genuinely concerned about.”

There’s room for agreement on a number of issues, Mermer said, with an eye toward practicing domestically what American Jews are preaching internationally.

“You know, they say ‘peace in the Middle East.’ It should be peace in America as well, with peace amongst our people,” he told JNS. “This is now an excellent time, with dignity, integrity and compassion, to reach across the aisle and explain, without the biases of different outlets and sources and what our president likes to call fake news, to just have civil discourse. It’s time to make civil discourse great again.”

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Ahead of the International Conference of Chabad-Lubavitch Women (Kinus Hashluchos) taking place this year from Feb. 19-23 in New York, members of the conference committee met with representatives of New York City law-enforcement agencies this week in preparation for the annual event that draws thousands to the borough of Brooklyn.

Led by Rabbi Mendel Kotlarsky, coordinator of the conference, together with Rabbi Schneur Najar and Rabbi Yaacov Behrman of the organizing committee, the meeting saw participants review security measures to ensure the safety of the world's largest gathering of Jewish women.

New York City Police Department officials from the 71st and 77th precincts, and Brooklyn South, attended the meeting held at the Jewish Children's Museum in the Crown Heights neighborhood of Brooklyn.

“We are extremely grateful to the members of the New York Police Department for their help every year in caring for the safety of the thousands of participants who will be coming to New York City for the conference,” said Kotlarsky. “Security is our top priority. We are here to ensure everyone in attendance feels safe throughout the conference.”

It will be the first conference without his father, Rabbi Moshe Kotlarsky, who attended every year to address the audience at the gala banquet. He died on June 4, 2024, at the age of 74.

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