The Israel Defense Forces confirmed on Wednesday that its ground troops had taken back control from Hamas of parts of the Netzarim Corridor, which divides the northern Gaza Strip from its south.

"During the last 24 hours, IDF forces began a focused ground operation in the central and southern Gaza Strip with the aim of expanding the security zone and creating a partial barrier between the northern and southern parts of the Strip," the IDF stated, confirming local reports.

As part of the renewed ground operation, soldiers "took control and extended their control back to the center of the Netzarim Corridor."

The army has also called up soldiers of its elite Golani Brigade "to be on standby to operate in the Gaza Strip," according to the IDF statement.

Israeli Minister of Defense Israel Katz warned Gazans earlier on Wednesday that "total destruction" would be coming unless the remaining 59 hostages are returned and Hamas terrorists are swiftly removed from power.

"The first Sinwar destroyed Gaza," Katz said in a Hebrew-language message to Gaza's residents, referencing slain Hamas leader Yahya Sinwar, who launched the terror organization's Oct. 7, 2023, cross-border massacre. "The second Sinwar will completely destroy it."

"The Air Force attack against Hamas terrorists was just the first step. The continuation will be much harder; you will pay the full price," he vowed.

"Return the hostages and remove Hamas—the alternative is complete destruction and devastation. If all the Israeli hostages are not released and Hamas is not removed from Gaza, Israel will act with forces you have never encountered before," warned Israel's defense minister.

He concluded, "Take the advice of the U.S. president. Return the hostages, remove Hamas and other options will be open to you— including leaving to other places in the world for those who wish."

"The alternative is total destruction and devastation," promised Katz.

Early on Tuesday morning, the IDF launched "extensive" strikes against Hamas terrorist targets in the Gaza Strip. The renewed Israeli military campaign has been officially named "Operation Strength and Sword."

Netanyahu's office said the military was acting after Hamas terrorists rebuffed several proposals by U.S. Middle East envoy Steven Witkoff to extend the first phase of the Gaza truce through Ramadan and Passover.

Netanyahu said on Tuesday that Hamas has "already felt our strength" since the military returned to fighting, warning that future ceasefire negotiations with the terror group "will only take place under fire."

As the conflict in Gaza enters yet another critical phase, Israel faces a daunting question: Will this war lead to the release of hostages and a genuine security achievement, or will it be remembered as another cycle of violence with no tangible gains? The Israeli government, led by Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu, is at a crossroads where the outcomes of its military operations will shape not only its political future but also the broader regional dynamics involving Iran and its proxies.

Israel’s leadership has framed this war as an existential battle—not merely against Hamas but against the growing influence of Iranian-backed militias across the Middle East. Since the terrorist attacks on Oct. 7, 2023, the Israel Defense Forces have intensified their operations in the Strip with the stated aim of dismantling Hamas’s military infrastructure and securing the release of hostages.

But a key question remains: Can Israel achieve its objectives without a negotiated agreement? If military pressure alone compels Hamas to release hostages and significantly weakens its operational capabilities, the Israeli government could claim a strategic victory. But if the conflict drags on without clear gains, it risks becoming another costly round of fighting, deepening public frustration and international scrutiny.

The continued military campaign sends a strong signal to Iran and its regional allies, including Hezbollah in Lebanon and the Houthis in Yemen, that Israel will not tolerate the unchecked rise of terror groups on its borders. Netanyahu’s government, in coordination with Western allies, seeks to impose a new security paradigm—one in which Iran’s proxies understand that aggression will be met with decisive retaliation.

This strategy, however, is fraught with risks. Iran has already escalated its rhetoric, vowing to support Hamas and threatening broader regional conflict. The Israeli government must carefully calibrate its military operations to avoid overextending itself in multiple theaters, all while maintaining diplomatic support from the United States and Europe.

Domestically, Netanyahu faces growing pressure from both the right and left. Hardliners demand a total eradication of Hamas, while moderates and families of hostages urge a diplomatic path to secure the release of their loved ones. The political landscape is fragile, with opposition figures questioning whether Netanyahu’s government has a long-term exit strategy or if it is merely reacting to events as they unfold.

History will judge whether this war served Israel’s long-term security interests or simply added another chapter to the cycle of violence. If Netanyahu can secure the hostages’ return and significantly weaken Hamas, then he can claim victory. If not, his leadership—and Israel’s strategic doctrine—will face the necessary changes that he is bringing to the new Israeli strategy after the terrible failure of the “conceptia.”

For Israel, this is more than war; it is a defining moment in its battle for security, deterrence and stability in a volatile region. The coming weeks will determine whether this war brings resolution or sets the stage for the next inevitable confrontation.

Likud Party lawmaker Tally Gotliv accused anti-government protesters on Wednesday of "cynically exploiting the pain of the families of the hostages" in order to bring down the country's right-wing coalition.

"It's a shame and disgrace, and they should be ashamed of doing this while strengthening Hamas," she told JNS at the Knesset.

Thousands of anti-government activists blocked major traffic arteries in the Jerusalem area on Wednesday as part of protests against the "illegitimate" Israeli government, the Israel Police said.

"We call on protesters to continue demonstrating legally, follow officers' instructions and avoid disturbing the order in the city," the statement added.

The main demands of the renewed rallies against Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu's government are to halt renewed airstrikes in the Gaza Strip and return to negotiations with Hamas, as well as to stop the dismissal of Israel Security Agency (Shin Bet) chief Ronen Bar.

Earlier on Wednesday, Israeli opposition leader Yair Lapid (Yesh Atid Party) urged his followers to take to the streets, accusing the country's right-wing governing coalition of "tearing us apart; it is not legitimate."

Yesh Atid's Karine Elharrar told JNS that the Jewish state's democracy remains "fragile" and has to rely "on strong balances and gatekeepers."

"The government seeks unchecked power, and we must not allow it—we have a duty to protect our democracy. We must safeguard our country because we have no other," Elharrar said, adding: "We must protest for the return of the hostages [held by Hamas in Gaza] and new elections."

Several dozen protesters blocked the Route 1 highway between Tel Aviv and Jerusalem as they marched toward the capital to join the main rallies taking place outside the Knesset and Prime Minister's Office.

Nissim Vaturi, a lawmaker for Netanyahu's ruling Likud Party, told JNS on Wednesday that the protest groups "don't accept the results of the elections in Israel" and are seeking to overthrow the government.

"They can't replace Netanyahu, so they choose the path of riots," he said. "The public chose Netanyahu, that's democracy."

According to a survey carried out by Israel's Direct Polls Institute and published by Channel 14 on Monday, nearly three in five Israelis back the resumption of fighting in Gaza in the wake of Hamas's rejection of a U.S. proposal to extend the truce in exchange for freeing more hostages.

The poll, which was taken before the resumption of the war, also showed that, if elections were to be called now, Netanyahu's coalition would win 64 mandates, up one since a March 6 Direct Polls survey, and the same amount of Knesset mandates it received in the November 2022 vote.

A landmark 318-page report from the United Kingdom, published on Wednesday, provides a detailed account of the Hamas-led Oct. 7, 2023 invasion of southern Israel, aiming to establish an irrefutable historical record amid growing denial of the atrocities.

According to the report, chaired by Lord Andrew Roberts and compiled by the UK-Israel All-Party Parliamentary Group, 7,000 Hamas terrorists launched coordinated assaults across 55 locations, killing nearly 1,200 people, 73% of whom were civilians. The youngest victim, 14-hour-old Naama Abu Rashed, a Bedouin Israeli, was shot in her mother’s womb, while the oldest, 92-year-old Holocaust survivor Moshe Ridler, was murdered in his safe room with a rocket-propelled grenade.

Among the 1,182 people killed, 18 were British citizens; those murdered or kidnapped came from 44 different countries. Most were Jewish Israelis, but Israeli Arabs and Bedouins were also targeted without mercy.

The report confirms widespread sexual violence, including rape, gang rape and sexualized torture, backed by survivor testimonies and open-source evidence.

The largest group of victims was young adults aged 18-30, primarily due to the attack on the Nova music festival, where 375 people were killed.

Victims were killed by gunfire, fire, asphyxiation and explosions. The report also details widespread desecration of corpses, including mutilation, beheadings and the boobytrapping of bodies. In some instances, bodies were taken back to Gaza.

"There have already been attempts to deny these atrocities," said Lord Roberts, calling the report "incontrovertible proof to ensure the truth is preserved."

The report has been praised as a vital resource to counter misinformation and uphold historical accountability. British historian Simon Sebag Montefiore described it as an "important and essential record, chronicle, and investigation of one of the most atrocious crimes of terrorist barbarity in modern history."

The Israel Defense Forces on Wednesday denied reports that it had struck a United Nations compound in the central Gaza Strip's Deir al-Balah area.

"The IDF calls on media outlets to act with caution regarding unverified reports," the military clarified in an English-language statement on X.

Earlier on Wednesday, the Gaza Health Ministry, which is run by the Hamas terrorist group, had claimed that an Israeli Air Force strike had killed one U.N. employee and wounded five others.

According to the Hamas statement, which was echoed by Reuters and other global news outlets, the slain U.N. staffer was a foreign national.

A spokeswoman for the U.N. Relief and Works Agency for Palestine Refugees in the Near East (UNRWA)—which has employed staff members with Hamas ties—did not immediately respond to a request for comment.

On Tuesday, the IDF launched "extensive" strikes against terror targets in the Strip. The campaign has been officially named "Operation Strength and Sword."

Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu's office said the military was acting after the Hamas terrorist organization rebuffed several proposals from U.S. Middle East envoy Steven Witkoff to extend the temporary truce during the Ramadan and Passover holidays.

Overnight Tuesday, the IDF carried out airstrikes on a Hamas site in the northern Gaza Strip after preparations for launching attacks on Israeli territory were identified, the military said on Wednesday morning.

Additionally, during the night, Israeli Navy forces targeted several suspicious vessels off Gaza's coast that were being used for terror activities by Hamas and Islamic Jihad, according to the military.

The IDF stated that it remains committed to striking terrorist targets in the Gaza Strip to neutralize threats against Israeli civilians and soldiers.

Hawaii Gov. Josh Green announced that he actively engaged with U.S. officials to maintain support for the University of Hawai’i amid a federal investigation into the school for potential antisemitic harassment and discrimination.

Green, who is Jewish, contacted senior officials at the White House on March 11 to take “decisive action” to ensure that the university did not face “unwarranted financial penalties.”

“I explained that while there was a little on-campus conflict during the recent war in Gaza, it paled in comparison to what’s gone on at other universities,” he said. “We are not an institution that is antisemitic. We’re giving them a letter to fortify our position, but they assured me the University of Hawai‘i is not on the chopping block for antisemitism.”

The University of Hawai’i is one of 60 universities that were sent notices by the U.S. Department of Education warning that they could face consequences if they fail to meet their obligations under Title VI to protect Jewish students. The governor’s office stated that the university has “fully cooperated” with the investigation but is worried that the Trump administration will use these investigations to pull funding. (The administration recently canceled $400 million in federal funding to Columbia University.)

“I couldn’t stand by and allow a misunderstanding from the government to use civil rights investigations as a tool to undermine our students’ future,” Green said. “The University of Hawai’i is a pillar of opportunity for our local students, and I will always fight to protect access to higher education.”

A terrorist infiltration alert was activated in the Samaria village of Kiryat Netafim on Wednesday after a Palestinian individual jumped the security fence surrounding a building project, according to local authorities.

Residents were warned to remain in their homes "until further notice," and Kiryat Netafim's kitat konenut (rapid response team) was activated and conducted searches for the suspect, who according to local media was apprehended.

Approximately an hour after the alert was issued, the Israel Defense Forces' Home Front Command gave the all clear.

It was not immediately clear whether the infiltrator was a construction worker. Some media reports identified the suspect as a car thief who had jumped the fence to escape the police.

While the military banned Palestinians from working in Jewish towns throughout Judea and Samaria in the initial months following Hamas’s Oct. 7, 2023, massacre, Maj. Gen. Yehuda Fox, the then head of IDF Central Command, in late 2023 lifted most of the access restrictions.

Before the war, some 200,000 Palestinian workers were employed throughout the Jewish state, including 30,000 in Judea and Samaria.

Proposals to readmit P.A. workers to Jewish communities were met with dismay by many. A survey taken last year in Eli, a town of some 4,500 inhabitants in the Binyamin region of southern Samaria, showed that 82% of residents were opposed, regardless of added security measures.

However, Israeli courts confirmed in a series of cases that elected local officials do not have the legal right to block Palestinian laborers from entering their communities if the military allows their employment.

Two polls last year found that some two-thirds of Palestinians in Judea and Samaria support the Oct. 7 attacks, in which around 6,000 Hamas-led terrorists broke through the Gaza border, murdered some 1,200 people, wounded thousands more and took more than 250 captive.

Overnight Monday, the Israel Defense Forces launched a large-scale military operation in the Gaza Strip—a precise and determined strike that hit Hamas’s leadership at the exact moment the organization believed it was beginning to recover and rebuild from the previous phase of fighting. The shock within Hamas is evident, as the successful elimination of senior figures in both its military and political wings in Gaza sends a clear and sharp message: Israel will not allow the organization to continue rebuilding its power and conducting negotiations from a position of superiority.

As a well-known Arabic proverb says: “If your enemy is in a hurry, slow him down. If he is slow, confuse him.”

Hamas has applied precisely this strategy—endless, prolonged negotiations aimed at exhausting Israel and improving its own position. The terrorist organization understands that the hostages are its ultimate bargaining chip, which is why it believes that time is on its side.

Hamas is stalling

In recent weeks, it has become clear to all that Hamas is not genuinely interested in reaching a final agreement for the return of all hostages. Instead, it has been using the negotiations as a tactic to strengthen its military and political stance. Hamas has added new demands that were never included in the original document presented by U.S. Special Envoy to the Middle East Steve Witkoff, insisting on a prolonged ceasefire without making significant concessions, and pinned its hopes on internal pressure within Israel to force it into accepting Hamas’s terms completely.

At the same time, Hamas has continued recruiting fighters, restoring its tunnel network, planting explosives and receiving indirect backing from the Arab League and Egypt—bodies that have not explicitly demanded that Hamas disarm or cease to exist as a political entity.

Breaking the paradigm: Renewing military pressure

Israel has decided to break the paradigm by resuming military action. While this step does carry risks for the hostages, the alternative—giving Hamas more time to prepare and solidify its control—is far worse. Further delays could result in hostages dying in tunnels while the IDF is forced to fight a more fortified and emboldened enemy. Renewing the fighting is meant to exert real pressure, making Hamas leadership understand that it cannot continue to stall and dictate the rules of the game.

As Napoleon Bonaparte once said: “A sudden and painful strike is better than a hundred useless conversations.”

Israel has chosen exactly this strategy—not to be dragged into endless talks that only benefit Hamas, but rather to apply calculated and powerful force to create a real change on the ground.

The analysts were wrong: Trump and the green light to Israel

Even before the renewal of fighting, many analysts in Israel predicted that the Trump administration would not allow Israel to use significant force in Gaza. They claimed that the president was only interested in “ending wars” and would not support a large-scale military operation. These assumptions turned out to be entirely false—anyone familiar with Trump’s character, a tough New York real estate mogul, knew that in a critical moment he would not hesitate to back a forceful response.

Trump, dating back to the 1980s and 1990s, forcibly evicted tenants in Atlantic City and New York, sometimes using mafia-style tactics to advance his real estate projects. This is not to justify or praise his methods—but that’s who he is. When he sees an interest at stake, he acts decisively. Right now, the American interest is to demonstrate control and support Israel against Hamas, Iran and Hezbollah.

A message to Iran and Hezbollah

Israel’s move carries a clear message beyond the Gaza Strip. The fact that the Americans have given a bright “green light” to this operation signals to Hamas and its backers that they should not expect leniency from the United States. Hezbollah, which has refrained from escalating the northern front, understands that Israel has strong backing and that actions by the Houthis or others will not alter the strategic picture. Hamas now finds itself more isolated than ever, as its allies in the Middle East begin to realize that continuing this struggle is a lost cause.

The necessary diplomatic effort

Alongside military pressure, Israel must also act on the diplomatic front to further isolate Hamas. First and foremost, it should push for heavy American pressure on the Arab League and Egypt to make it clear to Hamas that holding its ground will lead to a complete cutoff of support and total isolation. The hasty invitation of a Hamas delegation to Cairo on Tuesday after the attack indicates that Israel’s message has been received loud and clear.

National solidarity

The decision to renew fighting was made unanimously by both Israel's political and security leadership, underscoring its strategic importance. Now, the Israeli public must demonstrate unity and solidarity, avoiding divisive political discourse that could weaken the impact of the operation and strengthen Hamas’s claims in the international arena.

Israel is not falling into Hamas’s time trap and is not allowing it to dictate the rules of the game—it is breaking the paradigm, acting on its own timeline, and redefining the terms of engagement. There is reason to believe that this move will bring Hamas to the negotiating table with a newfound understanding that the rules have changed.

Originally published by the Jerusalem Center for Security and Foreign Affairs.

When riots erupted in May 2021 and waves of violence spread from the Galilee to the Shoket Junction—from Ramla to Acre and Lod—we witnessed an event we had warned about months in advance.

In February 2021, we presented the Israeli Minister of Public Security with a detailed plan to establish four combat brigades under the Border Police. We didn’t just bring data from hundreds of security shifts we had conducted, along with photos and evidence of protection rackets, we brought a solution. “We are on the verge of an intifada,” we warned. They wanted to listen, but bureaucracy prevailed over urgency.

Then came May. The Israel Defense Forces’ “Operation Guardian of the Walls” exposed how deep the threat ran. The riots that erupted in Israeli cities gave Hamas a dangerous sense of momentum—the belief that it could unify multiple fronts against Jewish communities. Today, we know this played a role in encouraging their plans for the Hamas-led terrorist attacks in southern Israel on Oct. 7, 2023.

For years, the government responded with vague promises about forming a “National Guard.” In reality, nothing was built to truly confront the threat. And then, the war broke out.

Communities left to fend for themselves re-established their emergency response teams as a desperate measure of self-defense. These civilian units became the first line of protection. In most cases, each community looked out for itself. If a town happened to have a former officer or elite-unit soldier, it had an edge. But the tragic reality is this: Communities are operating like isolated islands.

This is a dangerous break from Israel’s historic security model.

In the days of the Haganah and Palmach, the first thing established was the PASH—mobile field companies. They operated under a simple but crucial principle: Each community was a fortress, but no community stood alone. Every community was responsible for its neighbor, creating a shared defensive barrier. Reconnaissance units weren’t just there to protect their own towns but were designed to secure entire regions. The foundation of our security doctrine was mutual responsibility.

And yet today, despite having hundreds of emergency response teams across Israel, most lack the ability to coordinate with the town next door. There is no unified command structure, no system in place to turn five neighboring communities into a cohesive fighting force when needed. No framework to scale up, so that in times of crisis, 12 communities could form a battalion or 36 could become a brigade.

And that’s just the beginning of the dysfunction. The bureaucratic chaos is staggering: Communities within seven kilometers (a little more than four miles) of the border fall under the IDF’s jurisdiction, rural towns are under the Border Police, and urban areas are left to the civilian police. Sometimes, two neighboring emergency teams are controlled by completely different authorities. In a real crisis, there’s no coordination.

But there is a solution: “Shomrei HaBayit” Brigades.

The good news is that after Oct. 7, most communities have already been armed and equipped. The challenge is no longer about funding or scrambling for ceramic vests. The real problem is command and control.

We are now in what the IDF chief of staff has called “a year of war.” Every hostile front is watching and waiting to see what we have learned. Are we still clinging to a doctrine of containment, or have we shifted to decisive action? Are we paralyzed by existential fear, or are we moving forward with national resolve?

This war is exposing Israel’s deepest vulnerabilities. The lack of synchronization between security forces means that, at best, there is some coordination but no clear chain of command. Who is the one person responsible for managing an operation from start to finish? Right now, that answer doesn’t exist. And if we fail to fix it, Israel will pay for it in blood. Just as this war is a test of military readiness, it is also a test of internal security.

The Galilee and the Negev are burning—not just from rockets but from the lawlessness of protection rackets that are destroying businesses and farmers’ livelihoods. If these communities can defend one another in times of war, why shouldn’t they be able to do so in times of peace? This national plague of extortion must be confronted. The emergency response teams—this incredible resource already embedded in our towns—can become one of Israel’s most powerful tools. With the right operational framework, they can create a visible presence, deter crime and eradicate the protection racket phenomenon once and for all.

This is a revolution, and almost everything needed to make it happen is already in place. The only thing left is to do it.