The Angelina Drahi Entrance Pavilion at the Tower of David Museum in Jerusalem's Old City. Photo by Dor Pazuelo.
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Jerusalem’s Old City gets architectural makeover
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The Angelina Drahi Entrance Pavilion of the Tower of David Jerusalem Museum becomes a new gateway to the Old City.
text

A walk around the Tower of David is a one-stop shop for architecture in Jerusalem from the times of the kings of Judea in the First Temple period 2,800 years ago until today.

There are walls from the Hasmoneans, towers from King Herod, a banquet room from the Crusaders and arched walls from the Ottomans to name just a few. 

Now the Tower of David Jerusalem Museum welcomes the latest layer in the Old City's architecture with the addition of the Angelina Drahi Entrance Pavilion, which opens its doors next month.

After more than a decade of planning and three years of construction, the final part of the $50 million renewal of the Tower of David Jerusalem Museum is complete with the opening of the new multi-level sunken entrance pavilion.

The 1,000 square meter (10,763 square feet) building nestled between the walls of Jerusalem's Old City and the ancient citadel walls is barely noticeable from the Jaffa Gate Plaza.

The Tower of David Museum. Photo by Dor Pazuelo.

Building regulations forbid building above the height of the Old City walls, so the architects and engineers needed to plan for excavating the site 17 meters/18.6 yards down to build the pavilion that now houses the ticket office of the museum, a changing exhibition gallery, and a labyrinth of offices for the Education Department underground and a shaded seating area outside. In May, the coffee shop will open.

A duty and an honor

The ancient citadel was transformed into a welcoming and accessible environment under the direction of Kimmel Eshkolot Architects, Professor Etan Kimmel and lead architect Yotam Cohen-Sagi.

“The opportunity to bring the 21st century to this ancient iconic site is both a duty and an honor," says Kimmel.

"We were set the task of renovating one of the earliest and most important architectural treasures of Jerusalem. Our challenge boiled down to our ability to find solutions to preserve the ancient stones that represent Jerusalem’s past without compromising their historic value or their beauty while planning new architectural structures and introducing modern infrastructure using modern materials to create a fruitful, interesting meeting between the new and the old,” he explains.

The first people to go on site were the archaeologists from the Israel Antiquities Authority.

"You only need to use a teaspoon to dig up antiquities in the Old City of Jerusalem, and this is even more true when you are building a structure underground next to a citadel thousands of years old," says Cohen-Sagi.

The Tower of David Museum in Jerusalem's Old City, May 4, 2023. Photo by Yonatan Sindel/Flash90.

No great treasures from Jerusalem's past were found during construction and the building of the pavilion could go ahead as planned.

The renewal and conservation of the museum was led by the Clore Israel Foundation.

“No other museum can tell Jerusalem’s story in such a distinctive setting, within this citadel that has witnessed so many eventful periods in the city's past," says Eilat Lieber, director and chief curator of the museum. 

"Alongside the physical conservation of the walls and towers of this ancient site, we have developed a completely new permanent exhibition and creative programming that tells Jerusalem's long, complex and colorful history in respectful, innovative and engaging ways," she adds.

The museum now boasts 10 galleries spread throughout the ancient citadel that bring the story of Jerusalem to life through ancient artifacts mixed with the latest in immersive and interactive technology.

Designing Memory at the Tower of David Museum. Photo by Ricky Rachman.

The new pavilion allows for a change in the flow of visitors.

Jerusalem Mayor Moshe Lion says, “The new Tower of David Jerusalem Museum at the Jaffa Gate will serve as the new gateway to Jerusalem for the millions of visitors, tourists and pilgrims who want to explore the city’s rich and complex history before visiting the religious sites and ancient alleyways of the Old City.”

The entrance should have been opened on Nov. 3 but the Hamas war changed these plans. The museum opened on Oct. 9, the third day of the war, and has been running activities and guided tours for evacuated families, arts and crafts fairs for artists from the north and south as well as education programming for school children, all free of charge. 

"When we opened the museum, we didn’t know who would come," admits Lieber.

It quickly became clear that for the thousands of visitors who arrived, the museum offered a reprieve from the shadows of the war, she says. One visitor, who had been evacuated from Moshav Kfar Maimon, near the northern Gaza Strip, says that standing surrounded by the ancient Jerusalem stones gave a historical perspective and some hope.

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  • Words count:
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    Jan. 22, 2025

The foreign national who wounded four people in a terrorist stabbing spree in Tel Aviv was initially denied entry to Israel, but security officials overruled that decision, Interior Minister Moshe Arbel said on Tuesday.

"I commend and appreciate the border inspectors of the Population and Immigration Authority, who recognized [the threat] and had sought to prevent the entry into Israel of the terrorist of the Tel Aviv attack in real time upon his arrival at Ben-Gurion Airport on Jan. 18," stated Arbel.

According to Arbel, the terrorist was "transferred for questioning to security officials, who unfortunately allowed him to enter Israel."

He urged Israel Security Agency (Shin Bet) chief Ronen Bar "to probe this serious incident and draw lessons from it as soon as possible."

The Israel Security Agency subsequently issued a statement confirming that it was investigating, noting that the assailant "underwent a security assessment that included interrogations as well as additional checks, at the end of which it was decided that there was no data that would establish grounds to prevent his entry into Israel for security reasons."

The attacker, a 29-year-old man identified via an ID card found on his person, was reportedly a U.S. permanent resident born in Morocco. He was shot and killed at the scene by Israeli security personnel in the area.

Israel's Channel 12 reported that the terrorist was in the United States on a DV-1 visa, suggesting that he obtained a Green Card in the Diversity Visa Program that U.S. President Donald Trump has attempted to end.

Israel's Ynet news outlet said the terrorist, identified as Kaddi Abdelaziz, had shared anti-Israel content on Facebook. In one post, he reportedly accused the Jewish state of starving civilians in northern Gaza, claiming that half a million Palestinians were "at risk of dying from hunger."

Abdelaziz also shared a video praising Islam accompanied by the slogan "Free Palestine," as well as a photo of slain terrorist Ibrahim al-Nabulsi.

Following the Oct. 7, 2023 Hamas-led massacre, Abdelaziz was said to have shared a post referring to the terror attack as a potential reason for "doubling the number of martyrs for Islam." His Facebook profile was deleted shortly after his identity was first published in the media.

The U.S. State Department told Ynet on Tuesday night that it was "aware of the reports" that a Green Card holder was involved, and conveyed "its deepest condolences to the victims and the families of all those injured."

The Jewish state was admitted to the U.S. government's Visa Waiver Program in September 2023, making Israel the first Middle Eastern nation with reciprocal, visa-free travel to the United States.

Jerusalem had sought acceptance into the Visa Waiver Program for decades. One of the issues holding up its admittance had been the requirement that Israeli authorities treat all U.S. citizens equally, including Palestinian Arabs who hold American citizenship.

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The collapse of Bashar al-Assad’s regime—brought about by Syrian opposition forces with Turkey’s backing—has created an unprecedented opportunity for Ankara to redefine its role as a regional power in line with its broader Neo-Ottoman aspirations. By championing the Sunni opposition and dismantling the Alawite-led regime, Turkey has succeeded in shifting the Mideast balance of power, installing in Damascus a regime dependent on Turkey and curbing the influence of rivals such as Iran and Russia.

Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdogan’s policy has also been driven by Ankara’s attempt to contain the emergence of Kurdish autonomy or statehood, which, in Turkish eyes, would have a destabilizing effect, threatening the territorial integrity of Syria, Iraq, Iran and Turkey.

Ankara envisions a comprehensive role in Syria’s reconstruction and governance, leveraging its Neo-Ottomanist vision to establish lasting cultural, economic, and military influence.

For years, Erdogan faced harsh criticism at home for his interventionist foreign policy in Syria. This criticism stemmed largely from the influx of Syrian refugees, which, according to official figures, surpassed 3 million people. However, Erdogan refused to alter his stance. On the contrary, he adopted a Pan-Islamist approach, consistently emphasizing the importance both of hosting Syrian refugees as an expression of Islamic brotherhood and maintaining Turkey’s military presence in Syria.

It is crucial to note that even during the critical 2023 general election campaign, Erdogan did not change the stubborn approach that had already shaken his government’s political stability. For the first time in his political career, he failed to secure victory in the first round of elections, largely due to Turkey’s faltering economy. However, the electorate did not separate economic issues from the Syrian civil war. The Syrian refugee issue—which fueled xenophobia and rising unemployment—along with the rising costs of sponsoring a deadlocked war, were seen as the reasons behind the deterioration of the economy. This was Erdogan’s Achilles’ heel. Yet, against all odds—and partly due to the Turkish opposition’s failure to unite behind a charismatic leader such as the mayors of Istanbul or Ankara—Erdogan once again managed to secure political survival.

Today, with the regime in Syria ousted, Erdogan’s popularity is soaring. His supporters portray him as “the conqueror of Syria.” Unsurprisingly, Neo-Ottoman rhetoric has become a prominent feature of public discourse. Both mainstream institutional media and Erdogan’s propaganda outlets frequently reference Ottoman history to emphasize Turkey’s organic ties to Syria.

These media outlets not only highlight the historical fact that the Turks dominated the region for 402 years but also seek to deepen the Turkish public’s connection to Syria by invoking the armed struggle of Mustafa Kemal Ataturk, the founder of the Turkish Republic. In 1918, as commander of the 7th Army, Ataturk fought the British on the “Palestine front.” The emphasis on Ataturk’s battles, along with his view that Syria and “Palestine” were integral parts of the Ottoman-Turkish homeland, aim to win over nationalist and secularist segments of Turkish society is support of Erdogan’s Neo-Ottomanist foreign policy.

Turkish authorities have already transformed Mustafa Kemal’s former headquarters in the Syrian city of Afrin into a pilgrimage site adorned with Turkish flags and portraits of Ataturk. As Ankara seeks to persuade the Turkish public to embrace an expanded Turkish presence in Syria, turning the country into a new Turkish-Ottoman style province makes it easier for the government to justify its ambitious investments.

The blueprint for this policy is evident in the significant statements made by Turkey’s transportation and infrastructure minister, Abdulkadir Uraloglu, on Dec. 24. When asked about Turkey’s potential investments in a post-Assad Syria,  the minister stated that, just as the administration provided essential humanitarian aid, goods and services for the Feb. 6, 2023 earthquake victims in Turkey, Ankara is now delivering all necessary support to Syria—as if the country were already part of Turkey.

This Turkish modus operandi is also visible in other regions where Turkey has already established a presence. The minister declared Turkey’s willingness to build, repair and equip Damascus and Aleppo airports with radars—which could also serve military purposes. In addition, Turkey will most likely provide mobile phone networks and electricity infrastructure to address Syria’s needs in these sectors.

Furthermore, as an administration deeply connected to Ottoman heritage, Uraloglu emphasized Ankara’s ambition to revive Sultan Abdulhamid II’s Ottoman Hejaz Railway to establish a direct line between Istanbul and Damascus. Syria’s new Transport Minister, Bahaddin Sharma, endorsed the project and described the construction of the Gaziantep-Aleppo line as the first step.

Uraloglu also drew attention to Syria’s poor highway infrastructure and the strategic importance of highways during wartime. In this context, he stressed the significance of the M4 and M5 highways and signaled plans for constructing new bridges and highways to meet the needs of the Turkish Ministry of National Defense. These new highways will be designed according to the strategic priorities of the Turkish chief of staff—a clear indication of Turkey’s long-term objectives in Syria.

According to reports in the Turkish and Arab media, Turkey also intends to expand its military presence in Syria. In addition to existing deployments in northern Syria, particularly in the Afrin, Jarabulus and Tel Al-Abyad cantons, Turkey now seeks to establish new army bases in various locations, especially in Damascus and Tartus. Arab sources have said that the future Turkish military presence in Syria is also intended to deter Israel from taking unilateral actions in the country.

Turkish ambitions in Syria appear to extend beyond the territorial. Uraloglu noted that Turkey plans to sign a maritime delimitation agreement to conduct hydrocarbon seismic research with the new Syrian government to maximize its own interests in the Eastern Mediterranean. This treaty will most likely be shaped at the expense of the Republic of Cyprus’ exclusive economic zone and territorial waters as defined by the European Union's “Map of Seville” which is based on the 1982 United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea (UNCLOS).

As part of its “Blue Homeland” naval doctrine, Turkey rejects the UNCLOS provisions referring to every island’s right to declare its own continental shelf i.e., 12 miles of territorial waters and an exclusive economic zone. In 2019, Turkey signed a maritime delimitation agreement with Libya’s Government of National Accord (GNA), challenging the E.U.-backed maritime claims of Greece and Cyprus. Therefore, the new agreement with Syria is likely to further undermine the legitimacy of UNCLOS and the Map of Seville.

The signing of the treaty can only be delayed if the European Union invests in Syria’s reconstruction, as E.U. Commission President Ursula von der Leyen pledged to the Turkish president during her visit in Ankara on Dec. 17 last year.  

In conclusion, the fall of the Assad regime and Turkey’s involvement in shaping post-war Syria signify a shift in the geopolitical landscape of the Middle East. Through its assertive Neo-Ottomanist policies, Ankara has sought not only to dismantle the Alawite-dominated regime and counter Iranian and Russian influence but also to become the primary architect of Syria’s future—provided that Qatari-E.U. reconstruction money is channeled via Turkey. Turkey aims to extend its sphere of influence and consolidate its position as a regional power in line with Ottoman legacy. The proposed maritime delimitation agreement, the emphasis on infrastructure development and a deepening military presence all signal Ankara’s ambition to entrench its influence in the region.

This strategy, while bolstering Erdogan’s domestic image, also presents significant challenges, particularly for neighboring states and above all for Israel and the Republic of Cyprus. In this context, Jerusalem must proceed with great caution. While maintaining close relations with the Hellenic states, the Jewish state should do everything possible to avoid turning Turkey into an active enemy while simultaneously safeguarding its freedom of operation in Syria without making any concessions. This is a challenging task, but not an impossible one.

Originally published by the Jerusalem Institute for Strategy and Security.

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  • Words count:
    617 words
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    Jan. 22, 2025

Jerusalem's ongoing counter-terror operation in the northern Samaria city of Jenin marks a change in Israel's security strategy in the area, Israeli Defense Minister Israel Katz said on Wednesday.

Katz visited the military command post in the area of the IDF's Menashe Territorial Brigade on Tuesday to monitor the progress of the operation.

"'Operation Iron Wall' in the Jenin refugee camp will be a shift in the IDF's security doctrine in Judea and Samaria," the defense minister stated in remarks published by his office on Wednesday morning.

"A high-intensity operation to eliminate terrorists and the camp's terror infrastructure—without the resurgence of terror into the camp once the operation ends—is lesson number one from the method of repeated raids in the Gaza Strip," the statement continued.

"We will not allow the arms of the Iranian octopus and radical Sunni Islam to endanger the lives of the [Israeli] residents and establish an eastern terrorist front against the State of Israel," Katz added, vowing, "We will strike hard at the arms of the octopus until they are severed."

On Tuesday night, an unnamed senior security force told the Channel 14 News broadcaster that the large-scale campaign against Iranian-backed terrorist groups in northern Samaria could take months.

"When it ends, the terror camps will cease to exist. What we did in Gaza, we will do to them as well; we will leave them in ruins," the source said.

According to the Palestinian Authority Ministry of Health, at least nine people were killed by Israeli security forces in Jenin throughout the day on Tuesday, and more than 40 were said to have been wounded.

The Ynet outlet reported that the Israel Defense Forces carried out a drone strike on a Jenin terror cell that was in the process of planting explosive devices.

"Operation Iron Wall" includes the IDF, Israel Security Agency (Shin Bet) officers and Border Police, according to an army statement on Tuesday.

Hebrew media reported that four IDF battalions were participating in the operation, amounting to several hundred ground troops.

The IDF entered Jenin immediately after P.A. police left the area, according to Arab reports. Earlier this week, it was reported that Ramallah struck a deal with the Iranian-backed Jenin Battalion terror coalition, ending a rare month-long P.A. operation in the city.

Israeli ground forces entered the city with the stated goal of preserving Jerusalem’s ability to swiftly act against terrorist groups in Jenin, known among Palestinians as the “Martyrs’ Capital” due to the significant number of suicide bombers that have emanated from the area.

The Israel Hayom daily reported that the counter-terror raid was first planned for December, but postponed at the request of the political echelon after the P.A. launched its Jenin operation.

"At the direction of the Security Cabinet, the IDF, Shin Bet and Israel Police today launched a large and significant military operation to eradicate terror in Jenin—'Iron Wall,'" Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu’s office said in a statement on Tuesday afternoon.

"This is another step towards the goal we have set—strengthening security in Judea and Samaria. We are acting systematically and resolutely against the Iranian axis wherever its arms reach—in Gaza, Lebanon, Syria, Yemen and Judea and Samaria," the PMO added.

In August, while serving as Jerusalem's foreign minister, Katz called for "the temporary evacuation of Palestinian residents and whatever steps are required" amid an uptick in terror attacks emanating from Jenin.

The Islamic Republic of Iran is working "to establish an eastern terrorist front" in Judea and Samaria, charged Katz, following its proxy model in Lebanon with Hezbollah and the Gaza Strip with Hamas, by "financing and arming terrorists and smuggling advanced weapons from Jordan."

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  • Words count:
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    Jan. 22, 2025

As the ceasefire agreement went into effect over the weekend, Hamas terrorists—now wearing uniforms and green headbands, no longer disguising themselves as civilians—emerged from their multimillion-dollar tunnels, held their weapons high and rode through the streets of Gaza in fully fueled vehicles.

Actual civilians also were out on the streets celebrating. In online videos you can see that they’re well-fed and energetic. Many have cell phones and some carry fancy cameras.

Ask yourself: Do these people look like victims of genocide?

On Sunday, 23-year-old Romi Gonen, 28-year-old Emily Damari and 31-year-old Doron Steinbrecher—Hamas’s hostages for 471 days—were shoved into Red Cross vehicles while an angry mob pressed in. Some taunted the women, waving guns.

You’ll recall that Hamas never allowed Red Cross representatives to visit the hostages. You’ll recall that Red Cross officials never vociferously complained.

If you’ve been following these events in most media, you probably didn’t hear a translation of what many in the streets were chanting: “Jews, remember Khaybar, where Muhammad massacred the Jews!”

For those whose grasp of history is shaky (graduate students in Middle East studies at Harvard, Columbia and Penn?), I’ll explain: This was a reference to the Battle of Khaybar, 628 C.E., when Jewish tribes living in an oasis in what is now Saudi Arabia were wiped out by the first Muslim army.

There are those saying this deal is a step toward peace. They’re sadly mistaken.

Khalil al-Hayya, a senior Hamas official in Qatar, vowed upon signing the ceasefire agreement: “We will proceed on the path of the martyred leaders until we achieve victory or martyrdom, Allah willing.”

He called the Oct. 7, 2023 invasion of Israel and the massacre that followed a “military miracle” and a “source of pride.”

Iran's Ayatollah Ali Khamenei claimed that the Tehran-supported “resistance” had forced Israel to “retreat.” His Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps hailed the deal as “a clear victory and a great victory for Palestine and a bigger defeat for the monstrous Zionist regime.”

Ask yourself: Does it sound like Israel’s enemies are interested in a two-state solution?

Of the 251 hostages abducted on Oct. 7, fewer than 100 remain in captivity, seven Americans among them. Hamas has not revealed how many hostages are still alive and how many they’ve murdered.

Hamas is to release another four hostages next weekend, then three per week until, at the end of the first phase of the deal, 33 hostages have been repatriated.

In exchange, in addition to suspending hostilities, Israel on Sunday released from its prisons 90 terrorists who had been serving time for various bloody terrorist acts.

Most Israelis, according to the polls, see this agreement as bad but necessary—a deal with the devil, as I’m not the first to say.

The redemption of captives is not a new idea for the Jewish nation. “Let my people go!” is how Moses expressed it to Pharaoh in Exodus. To bolster his argument, Moses added: “Thus saith the Lord God of Israel.”

What should be most disturbing from an American perspective: This deal defines diplomacy down.

Alan Dershowitz provides an apt analogy: “Would you call it a deal if somebody kidnapped your child, and you ‘agreed’ to pay ransom to get her back? Of course not. The kidnapping was a crime. And the extortionate demand was an additional crime.”

Hamas is not a legitimate negotiating partner with grievances that deserve to be addressed and differences that can be bridged.

The first phase of the deal is to last 42 days. Aid will flow into Gaza in even larger quantities than it has over the past year. Hamas will steal and sell much of it at a profit.

Hamas’s supporters on American campuses will continue to insist that Gazans are victims of Israeli oppression and cheer Hamas.

For the deal to move into a second phase—which would include extension of the ceasefire, release of the remaining 61 hostages, and Israel freeing almost 2,000 convicted terrorists in total—will require that negotiations not break down. It’s not difficult to imagine why they might.

Hamas’s goal is to resume power in Gaza, get the “international donor community” to write big checks for reconstruction while U.N. agencies provide Gazans with social services including education accredited by the Muslim Brotherhood. That would leave Hamas free to begin planning new atrocities.

Israel’s goal is to bring home as many hostages as possible and ensure that never again does a terrorist army rule Gaza.

Ask yourself: Is there any way to satisfy both Hamas and Israel’s goals?

And is it not both immoral and demoralizing for American diplomats to prod the citizens of a free and democratic ally to compromise with openly genocidal Islamic supremacist terrorists?

I’ll end today’s column with three pertinent facts—not opinions—that most of the media consistently neglect.

One: On Oct. 6, 2023, Gaza was not occupied. No Israelis lived there. No Israeli soldiers patrolled there.

Two: Gaza was not then an “open-air prison” as Hamas manipulated the media into reporting. Gaza had hospitals, schools, libraries, malls, supermarkets, restaurants, a zoo and sandy beaches. Members of Gaza’s elite lived in villas with swimming pools and could come and go via neighboring Egypt.

Three: Hamas leaders could have brought a halt to this war at any time over the past 15 months by simply releasing its hostages and laying down their weapons.

Ask yourself: Who is responsible for the death and destruction on both sides—in the past and, in all probability, in the future?

If you know the answer, you also know that it won’t be through ceasefires and deals that this long war is brought to a conclusion.

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  • Words count:
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    COLUMN
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    Jan. 22, 2025

45 and 47.

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  • Words count:
    1030 words
  • Type of content:
    Opinion
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  • Publication Date:
    Jan. 22, 2025
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Israeli Justice Minister Yariv Levin and former Justice Minister Gideon Sa’ar recently unveiled a revamped proposal for the reform of the Israeli judiciary, including the Judicial Selection Committee. Predictably, opponents of any changes accused the authors of “undermining judicial independence, separation of powers, and checks and balances.” As before, it appears that opponents either do not understand what “judicial independence” and “separation of powers” mean, or, worse yet, they do understand it, but purposefully attempt to mislead the public. The Levin-Sa’ar proposal does nothing to undermine judicial independence, and it improves (albeit, not by much) the separation of powers, and the checks and balances.

Let’s begin with “judicial independence.” Judicial independence means that judges, once appointed, will be able to decide cases according to the law and answerable only to their conscience and God. In other words, an “independent” judge is one who does not have to fear being fired or having his salary diminished as a result of rendering an unpopular decision. Nothing in the Levin-Sa’ar proposal impairs this understanding of judicial independence. The proposal does not give Israel’s political actors the ability to remove judges who rule against powerful interests or to diminish their salaries. If Israeli judges are independent in their decision-making today, they will remain equally independent under the proposal.

Critics assert that giving political actors more control over judicial appointments will undermine judicial independence. But “judicial independence” has nothing to do with who gets appointed or how they get there. Until someone is appointed, he is not a judge, and the “judicial independence” doctrine has no applicability to them. The critics say, however, that if lawyers know they were appointed because of political deals, they will attempt to repay those political favors by consistently ruling in favor of the government.

The problem with that argument is two-fold. First, there is no evidence for such an assertion. For example, in the United States, federal judges are appointed exclusively by political actors, yet once appointed, they consistently rule against their benefactors. For example, all three U.S. Supreme Court justices appointed by President Donald Trump during his first term in office rejected his claims regarding the 2020 election. Similarly, both justices appointed by then-President Bill Clinton rejected his attempt to evade a civil lawsuit by Paula Jones.

In Israel, much the same is true. For example, there were fears that Avichai Mandelblit, once appointed attorney general, would be too subservient to Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu because of his prior political roles in Netanyahu’s government. The exact opposite happened—Mandelblit was so independent that he (rightly or wrongly) indicted the prime minister. Similarly, when then-Justice Minister Ayelet Shaked pushed for the selection of now-Justice Alex Stein, the critique was that would not be independent because he was a “political choice.”  Yet, Stein has consistently ruled against the Netanyahu government.

The second reason that the critics are wrong is the unwarranted assumption that, under the current system, potential candidates for judicial nominations need not curry favor with anyone and are appointed on an “objective” basis. It is somewhat naive to believe that only “political” members of the Judicial Selection Committee care about politics, and other members care only about “professionalism.”

The Israeli Bar Association members have views, whatever they may be, as to politics and judicial philosophy. So do the judges who are the members of the selection committee. Anyone hoping to be appointed to a judgeship needs to be politically “in tune” with those members of the committee. Meaning, if it's true that judges selected by politicians will be forever obligated to those politicians, then it is equally true that the judges selected by members of the bar will be obligated to those factions in the bar, and judges selected by the chief justice will be obligated to that chief justice. And if the latter is not true, neither is the former.

Looking at the “separation of powers” and “checks and balances,” the Levin-Sa’ar proposal marginally improves the situation at hand. Again, “separation of powers” does not mean each branch operates independently of each other. If that were so, no government could operate, because actions of one branch would not affect another. What separation of powers means is that the judicial branch should be doing the judging, the Knesset the law-making and the Cabinet should be executing those laws.

The current judicial selection system is the exact opposite of the separation of powers. The powers of the Israeli Supreme Court, the Cabinet and the Knesset are intermingled together, instead of making their own best judgment about the appropriate way forward having to compromise with every other branch. (Not that there is anything wrong with compromise per se, but the system doesn’t “separate” the powers, and, if anything, undermines judicial independence because the court’s representatives have to offer something of value to the politicians for politicians to agree to some of the court’s proposed candidates).

The same with “checks and balances.” To be clear, “checks and balances” are important in a democratic country, and there is nothing necessarily wrong with the concept of judicial review even in a parliamentary system. Under the current system, the court certainly serves as a “check” on the government. (Some may say too much so). But what serves as a check on the court? In the American system, appointments by a popularly elected president with confirmation by the U.S. Senate provide some long-term checks. In Spain, four out of 12 Constitutional Court judges are appointed by the Congress of Deputies, four by the Senate, two by the Cabinet and two by other judges. Thus, various political actors exercise a “check” on the court through appointments (though judges remain independent once appointed). In contrast, in Israel, judges wield a veto over all the Supreme Court nominations, and when it comes to lower courts, politicians’ votes may not matter at all. Thus, in Israel today, there is no “check” on the power of the judiciary.

The Levin-Sa’ar proposal will create at least a small check. It’s not perfect and is quite timid, but it is an improvement on the current system.

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  • Words count:
    1642 words
  • Type of content:
    COLUMN
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  • Publication Date:
    Jan. 21, 2025

Anyone aware of what is being said on left-wing social-media platforms knew this was coming. The hope that President Donald Trump’s left-wing foes were giving up on their unhinged claims that he is a fascist and bent on destroying democracy was, at best, premature. So it was hardly surprising that Elon Musk’s gesture of appreciation to applause to the crowd at an inauguration celebration was seized upon as a Nazi salute and used to justify claims that the SpaceX/Tesla CEO was showing his sympathies for fascism.

It’s true that some Silicon Valley oligarchs like Meta’s Mark Zuckerberg, Amazon’s Jeff Bezos and Google CEO Sundar Pichai have ceased aiding and abetting the Democrat’s information operations against Trump. Not only have they made their peace with him but attended his inauguration as honored guests.

But all it took was one freeze-frame image of fellow Big Tech mogul Musk—an ardent supporter and funder of the Trump campaign, and who will serve as head of a Department of Government Efficiency—to trigger a wide range of left-wing outlets and pundits. The comments ranged from the slightly coy insinuations that Musk was dog-whistling to Nazis on CNN to what can only be described as hysteria on the left-wing social-media site Bluesky.

In Europe, Musk was also widely attacked. That was not so much out of conviction about his actual beliefs but a settling of scores. Musk angered the British establishment with his comments about their government’s failure to properly address the problem of so-called Pakistani “grooming gangs” that raped thousands of young women. His sympathy for AfD, a right-wing German political party that opposes an open-door policy toward immigrants from Muslim countries similarly has enraged those in Germany who consider it as beyond the pale.

Jewish liberals were among the loudest voices joining in the condemnations of Musk.

Ruth Ben-Ghiat, a professor at New York University who touts herself as an expert on fascism, posted: “It was a Nazi salute and a very belligerent one, too.” Abraham Foxman, the former longtime head of the Anti-Defamation League, chimed in claiming that it was a “Heil Hitler Nazi salute.”

Rep. Jerry Nadler (D-N.Y.) went one better by claiming that it was evidence of “antisemitism.”

And predictably, some neo-Nazis crawled out of their holes to agree that Musk was indeed one of theirs, despite his claim that the accusation was nothing more than an example of Democratic “dirty tricks.”

Other reactions were not so predictable.

Attacking the ADL

Under Foxman’s successor Jonathan Greenblatt, the ADL has shifted from a nonpartisan organization to just another liberal group doing the Democrats’ dirty work denouncing conservatives and often falsely defaming Trump. At least in this instance, it decided not to join the online mob spewing abuse at Musk and everyone else who supports Trump. Though worded in a manner that indicated that the group was trying to avoid angering Trump-haters, the post simply stated the obvious truth—that Musk made an awkward gesture in a moment of enthusiasm, not a Nazi salute.

For this common-sense opinion, they were roundly denounced by liberal opinion as sellouts. Rep. Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez (D-N.Y.), the leader of the left-wing congressional “Squad” in the U.S. House of Representatives, claimed that the ADL’s rather timid defense of Musk meant that not only were they “defending” Nazi symbolism but were in the employ of Nazis. According to AOC, “People can officially stop listening to you as any sort of reputable source of information now. You work for them. Thank you for making that crystal clear to all.”

Yet anyone who watches the uncut video could easily see that it was the ADL—and not their critics—that was in the right. Cavorting around the stage and basking in the applause of people who consider him a hero for accomplishments in business and space, as well as for reclaiming Twitter (renamed X by Musk) for free speech. The gesture, while clearly as awkward as most of Musk’s public appearances, was one in which he tapped his heart to return the love of his fans and not something intended to convey his support for Nazi Germany.

Musk has sometimes offended Jews, but he has also repeatedly expressed support for Israel, wore a necklace in support of the hostages taken by Palestinian terrorists, denounced Hamas and visited Auschwitz. That’s a lot more than some of those who are attacking him have done. He is no antisemite.

More to the point, if gesturing in that manner with your arm is evidence of Nazism, it isn’t hard to find videos and photos of liberals caught doing the same thing. Indeed, it wasn’t long before some people started posting pictures of former President Barack Obama, former Vice President Kamala Harris, former Secretary of State Hillary Clinton, late-night comedy show host Stephen Colbert, as well as AOC, doing what had gotten Musk into so much trouble. Accusations that they are Nazis because of that would be just as false as those hurled at Musk.

Hypocrisy on the left

To conservatives, like author and columnist David Harsanyi, the attacks on Musk were as disingenuous as Democratic accusations of fascism thrown at Trump. He replied to Nadler: “Not a single person on this planet believes Musk gave a Nazi salute.” For talk-show host Hugh Hewitt, it was just another sign of “TDS”: Trump derangement syndrome.

Hewitt is right about that. But what’s really troubling is not so much that Musk is being treated unfairly because he supports Trump. Musk often shares his opinions on a host of issues, and some of what he says is wrongheaded. But he is far too rich and powerful for any wave of left-wing outrage to have much of an impact on him, let alone result in his cancellation. 

The problem this kerfuffle exposed is how willing many on the left are to weaponize charges of antisemitism against their political enemies despite not caring about the issue of Jew-hatred.

AOC has repeatedly and viciously attacked Israel. She has expressed support for Palestinian efforts to destroy it and touted antisemitic BDS campaigns. The idea that she has standing to judge the ADL or anyone else as insufficiently concerned about antisemitism is laughable.

Ben-Ghiat is equally hypocritical.

Only a few weeks after the orgy of mass murder, rape, torture, kidnapping and wanton destruction perpetrated by Hamas and other Palestinians in southern Israel on Oct. 7, 2023, she wrote in a Substack post expressing ambivalence as to whether the attacks were terrorism or merely “a tragic outcome of a cycle of violence that started with the Israeli occupation.”

A virulent critic of Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu who has falsely accused him of being an opponent of democracy and operating from the “authoritarian playbook,” Ben-Ghiat also had no trouble drawing a moral equivalence between Hamas supporters and ordinary Israelis who believe that their country must do everything in its power to eradicate the terror organization and ensure it can’t make good on its promises to repeat the atrocities of Oct. 7.

The political left argues that the antisemitic mobs on college campuses and the streets of American cities chanting for the destruction of Israel (“from the river to the sea”) and for terrorism against Jews (“globalize the intifada”) are not merely defensible but expressing laudable support for human rights. It was a sentiment that Democratic politicians like Harris thought should be “heard” and validated.

Too invested in their rage

But so deep is the anger about Trump and his supporters that even people who do understand antisemitism and ought to know better, like Foxman, are now so invested in their rage about the president that they have lost their moral compass on this issue.

The political left has to believe that Musk and Trump are Nazis not so much because of anything they might have said or done. Their tunnel vision compels them to see anyone they dislike so much as not just wrong but associated with the greatest crime in the history of the world.

This is much like the viral lie about Trump saying that neo-Nazis were “very fine people” that has been debunked but which is constantly repeated by the likes of Obama, Biden and Harris for partisan reasons. It shows the left as guilty of what Israel-haters often accuse the Jewish state’s defenders of doing: cynically weaponizing antisemitism.

Like so many other fake antisemitism controversies contrived by the left, the real damage being done is not to the objects of their accusations but to the cause of fighting Jew-hatred. When people like Musk are damned as Nazis over such foolishness, the victim is the effort to call out real antisemites.

It’s no accident that those who despise Jews often get a pass from people like Harris and AOC, who rationalize and apologize for their ideological hatred of the Jewish state. Their political opponents like Trump and Musk may be flawed, but they are philo-semitic and deeply supportive of Israel. That makes it all the more urgent that they be smeared as antisemites since that’s the only way the world can make sense for those who have come to believe that anyone they don’t like is Hitler.

Anger over Trump’s remarkable political comeback on the left is likely to build, especially because he is starting his second term riding a wave of public approval and support for his stands on the issues that contrast strongly with his popularity eight years ago. But that’s no excuse for those who have done little or nothing to combat the post-Oct. 7 surge in antisemitism to attempt a hijacking of the issue in order to undermine a pro-Israel president and his allies.

Jonathan S. Tobin is editor-in-chief of JNS (Jewish News Syndicate). Follow him: @jonathans_tobin.

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  • Words count:
    859 words
  • Type of content:
    News
  • Byline:
  • Publication Date:
    Jan. 21, 2025
  • Media:
    1 file

Harvard University has resolved two federal lawsuits alleging antisemitic discrimination on campus with the Louis D. Brandeis Center for Human Rights Under Law and Jewish Americans for Fairness in Education. 

As part of the agreement, Harvard will incorporate the International Holocaust Remembrance Alliance’s (IHRA) working definition of antisemitism, and the contemporary examples appended to the definition, when evaluating whether alleged discrimination violates the university’s non-discrimination and anti-bullying policies.

Harvard University was sued in May 2024 for antisemitic discrimination against Jewish students in the wake of pro-Palestinan campus protests that emerged after the Hamas-led terrorist attacks in southern Israel on Oct. 7, 2023. 

Kenneth L. Marcus, chairman of the Brandeis Center and a former U.S. assistant secretary of education, told JNS that Harvard’s announcement marks a shift beyond symbolic gestures.

“What is so important about Harvard’s incorporation of the IHRA working definition is that they are not merely using it for educational purposes,” he said. “They are committing to weaving it into their nondiscrimination policies and practices.”

“This is something that every college and university should do,” Marcus added. “Most of them have been resisting it.”

IHRA’s non-legally binding, working definition, which the group adopted in 2016, includes examples of Jew-hatred like comparing Israel to Nazis or unfairly criticizing the Jewish state. Some 43 countries have adopted the definition, as have international organizations and state and local governments.

“It is part and parcel of federal law, so it shouldn’t be so hard to convince universities that they need to do it,” Marcus told JNS. “But we’re in a much better position as a result of this agreement, now that Harvard is publicly stating that it will be using this working definition of antisemitism for compliance purposes.”

Marcus thinks that Harvard’s adoption of the IHRA definition “will be helpful when we are dealing with colleges and universities around the country.” He also doesn’t think it’s a coincidence that Harvard opted to settle the lawsuits as U.S. President Donald Trump began his second term.

“I would call this a Trump effect,” he said. “Nobody wants to have pending litigation when the new sheriff comes to town. I would credit the force of President Trump’s statements about campus antisemitism as a significant reason why so many colleges have been more interested in resolving cases in recent weeks than they had been prior to the general election.”

Marcus told JNS that the agreement could set a precedent for how colleges address campus Jew-hatred. “We see this as a pivotal moment,” he said. “It’s not so much that antisemitic incidents will stop, but that more administrators will be prepared to address the incidents as they arise.”

College administrators have resisted doing the right thing, “and a lot of them have been reluctant to change their approach unless their peers are doing the same,” Marcus told JNS. “Having Harvard University on board means that we will be able to point to this standard every single day, and it will be the new floor for future agreements and will be the new standard for future compliance.”

Objectives are 'mission-critical for the university'

Noah Feldman, a Harvard Law School professor, told JNS that the resolution of the lawsuit will be a turning point for the university. 

“I think you can trace the need for this settlement as a clarification back to the infamous Capitol Hill hearing with Claudine Gay, in which the president of the university was pushed to answer this somewhat complex and difficult legal question about Harvard’s rules,” he said. 

“That’s one of the reasons that this settlement is, in my perspective, good for the university as well as good for the plaintiffs because it clarifies something that might not have needed clarification were it not for those events,” Feldman said. “But because of those events, it’s very valuable to get clarification that antisemitism, just like racism and Islamophobia, are encompassed within the university’s anti-discrimination policies.”

At the congressional hearing on Dec. 5, 2023, Gay and the presidents of the University of Pennsylvania and the Massachusetts Institute of Technology were asked repeatedly if calling for genocide against all Jews violated their campus policies. The presidents testified before the House Education and Workforce Committee that calling for the genocide of Jews wouldn’t necessarily violate their procedures.  

“The university needs to be able to protect the academic freedom of all of the students, faculty and staff, and simultaneously, it also needs to be able to assure that everyone who’s in the university is treated equally and is not discriminated against or bullied or harassed,” Feldman said. 

“Both of those objectives are, I would say, mission-critical for the university,” he said. “What’s good about today’s settlement is that, in my view, it really respects both of those objectives.”

Lawrence Bacow, who was Harvard’s president from 2018 to 2023, told JNS that he is confident that the university will apply the IHRA definition “thoughtfully in a way that respects freedom of speech.”

“Whenever Harvard acts, it attracts attention from other institutions,” he said. “Whether it prompts others to follow remains to be seen.”

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  • Words count:
    185 words
  • Type of content:
    Update Desk
  • Publication Date:
    Jan. 21, 2025

A prayer service at Jerusalem's Temple Mount brought together Jewish and Christian worshippers on Monday to pray for newly-inaugurated U.S. President Donald Trump.

Rabbi Tuly Weisz, of Israel365, stated that the service—which he called "historic," "unprecedented" and a "powerful display of religious unity and determination"—took place "despite the Jordanian Waqf's continuing restrictions on Jewish prayer at the Temple Mount." 

"Courageous religious leaders and their followers demonstrated that the right to prayer cannot be denied," Weisz said, noting that the prayer "marked a significant step forward in the fight for religious freedom in Jerusalem."

“On this day that represents new beginnings, we turned to our Father in Heaven, the God of Israel in unity and prayer,” the rabbi said. “Here, at the seat of His heavenly throne, Jews and Christians gather together to pray for the success of Donald Trump in his second term.”

According to Weisz, the service brought together Israeli singer Yair Levi, Belz Chassidim, Temple Mount prayer advocate Rabbi Yehuda Glick and Peter Fast, international CEO of Bridges for Peace, and John Enarson, founder of Cry for Zion.

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