Pro-Palestinian protesters, including American Jews, demonstrate near the White House in Washington, D.C., on Feb. 4, 2025.  Photo by Hanna Leka/Middle East Images/AFP via Getty Images.
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Headline
Jewish foes of Trump’s Gaza plan remain Hamas’s ‘useful idiots’
Intro
The latest celebrity petition about the post-Oct. 7 war is yet another example of how the “as a Jew” crowd expresses their identity by supporting those who seek Jewish genocide.
text

It turns out there are some people who still believe in the symbolism and power of full-page advertisements in The New York Times. Among them are a great many Jewish celebrities and rabbis who believe the institution that remains the most important forum for left-wing journalism is the right place to feature their views about the conflict between Israel and the Palestinian Arabs and President Donald Trump’s policies.

So it was to the print edition of the Times that these quintessential “as a Jew” types turned to vent their anger about Trump’s proposal to send Palestinian Arabs out of Gaza. To them, the idea of taking a population primarily composed of people who claim to be refugees out of an area that has been devastated by war and giving them an opportunity for a new and better existence represents “ethnic cleansing.”

It was signed by a variety of “a,” “b” and “c” list actors and celebrities, as well as a few hundred liberal rabbis. You’ve heard of some of them: actors Joaquin Phoenix, Wallace Shawn and Debra Winger and playwright/screenwriter Tony Kushner. The names of others, like Jonathan Glazer, who got his 15 minutes of fame by denouncing Israel at last year’s Oscars ceremony when accepting an award for a movie about the Holocaust, may also ring a bell. Still others have attained a degree of notoriety by being inveterate Israel-bashers and anti-Zionists like writers Peter Beinart, Judith Butler and Naomi Klein.

The rabbis are a mixed lot. Some are still trying to maintain a line between what we used to call “liberal Zionism” and the intellectually fashionable stance of those who are explicit about favoring the destruction of Israel. Some of them gave up that pretense and are among those who seek to give a dubious religious endorsement to a position opposing the defense of the one Jewish state on the planet against genocidal terrorists.

But wherever they fall on that spectrum, they are the contemporary public face of those who seem to think that the essence of Jewish identity is to be found in that disreputable stance.

They are the “as a Jew” Jews.

Full-page ads in the Times may still cost a lot of money, even in an era when the overwhelming majority of those who read news outlets do so digitally rather than in print or only on social-media platforms. But the choice to go that route is more about serving notice to the left-wing political ecosphere that many prominent Jews take the side of those who oppose Israel’s existence and against those, like Trump, who have made it clear that they wish to eradicate Hamas terrorists rather than the Jewish state.

Oscars, 96th Academy Awards
From left: James Wilson, Leonard Blavatnik and Jonathan Glazer accept the Oscar for Best International Feature Film “The Zone of Interest” during the live “ABC” telecast of the 96th Oscars at the Dolby Theatre at Ovation Hollywood on March 10, 2024. Credit: Academy of Motion Picture Arts & Sciences.

Can Trump succeed?

The feasibility of the president’s idea is debatable.

It’s not clear how it will be implemented, or if any Arab or Muslim nation is prepared to take in and absorb anything more than a token number of Palestinian Arabs, as Jordan’s King Abdullah was strong-armed by Trump to do in a visit to the White House this week. And there’s no doubt that Hamas and its many enablers in the West, as well as among nations in the region, are bitterly opposed to it. They’re against anything that will reduce their ability to use civilians as pawns in their ongoing efforts to turn back the clock to a point in time when the modern-day State of Israel didn’t exist.

If it is to happen, it would be predicated on a resumption of fighting in the Strip, presumably after the ceasefire-hostage release deal inevitably collapses. Despite the green light he received from Trump this week to return to the effort to eradicate Hamas, Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu prefers to stick to the terrible deal he was forced into accepting if it means that more of the remaining Israeli hostages are released. But given that Hamas will never agree to give up power in Gaza or its goal of returning the conflict to where it was on Oct. 6, 2023—meaning that it would be free to make good on its pledge to launch more Oct. 7-style atrocities—the war is bound to resume sooner or later.

The existential nature of the battle against Hamas is clear to almost all Israelis, including those who oppose Netanyahu. But it is of no interest to the “as a Jew” Jews, be they film industry figures, anti-Israel scribblers or liberal rabbis.

Their effort is spearheaded by a group calling itself “In Our Name.” Its website states a goal of raising money to help “organizations that support Palestinian-led efforts to build safety, dignity and self-determination in Palestine, and that support solidarity and other organizing among Palestinian and other Arab and Muslim communities in the United States.”

Ignoring the reality of Oct. 7

The language it employs is an effort to distinguish itself from the allegedly more avowedly anti-Israel groups like Not in Our Name, Jewish Voice for Peace and IfNotNow. Even in the first days after the attacks on Jewish communities in southern Israel, members of this group were already fundraising and organizing to oppose Israel’s efforts to defend itself against those who had committed mass murder, rape, torture, kidnapping and wanton destruction on Oct. 7.

But any spin of In Our Name supporters as being somehow more principled or humane than those extremists is a distinction without a difference. Like those who have been demanding a cease-fire from the moment Hamas’s invasion of Israel was turned back, all of these people remain, at best, Hamas’s “useful idiots.”

Those who are raising funds to be employed in Gaza for the purposes stated are, whether they fully understand it or not, essentially propping up what is left of the rule of Hamas over the Palestinians. To speak of Palestinian “self-determination” in the context of the current war or to help bolster the network of pro-Hamas organizations that have spread the message of hatred for Israel in the United States should not be mistaken for neutrality about the terrorist movement that launched this war and seeks to keep it going until Israel surrenders or collapses.

While the supposed stated purpose is merely “humanitarian aid,” the world has seen in the last 16 months that most, if not all, of the money sent into Gaza is used in one way or another to bolster Hamas.

The signers of the letter might disavow any connection to antisemitism. But their willingness to stand behind the anti-Israel movement that has flourished on college campuses and in the streets of American cities is nothing less than an endorsement of the surge of Jew-hatred that has been mainstreamed on the left since Oct. 7.

Woke antisemitism

At the heart of this form of activism is more than the unrelenting hostility to Trump felt by many Jewish liberals and left-wingers. It’s also rooted in the toxic myths of critical race theory and intersectionality, as well as the associated woke catechism of diversity, equity and inclusion (DEI). Trump is successfully opposing these terrible ideas as he seeks to roll back the hold that these leftist beliefs, which fuel antisemitism, have had on American society and governance.

The “pro-Palestinian” movement on the left isn’t a philanthropic effort to help Palestinian Arabs who have been used as props in the futile century-old war on Zionism. If it were, they’d be cheering Israel’s efforts to get rid of Hamas or the concept of resettling the descendants of the 1948 Arab refugees just as the even more numerous Jews who fled or were forced out of their homes in the Arab and Muslim world were long ago resettled.

This was made explicit by their statement in which they specifically support “Palestinian liberation.” They made clear that they don’t believe that working to destroy the Jewish state—something that could only be accomplished by the genocidal plans of Hamas—is antisemitic. They think that liberal Jews can only demonstrate their virtue by joining the left’s crusade to delegitimize Israel’s self-defense.

The push for Palestinian “self-determination” is a thinly veiled version of the idea that Israel is an illegitimate “settler-colonial” and “apartheid” state that should be dismantled. The notion that the conflict can be solved by a two-state solution is a myth that has been debunked repeatedly since 1948 as the Palestinian Arabs have rejected every offer of statehood and independence. They have told us again and again that they refuse to accept the legitimacy of a Jewish state, no matter where its borders might be drawn. To continue pushing for Palestinian statehood after those rejections is tantamount to acquiescence or endorsement of the struggle to destroy Israel, and has absolutely nothing to do with wanting peace.

Real ‘ethnic cleansing’

Moreover, the irony of Jews who think expelling hundreds of thousands of Jews in Judea and Samaria from their homes to create a Palestinian state is a virtuous cause expressing horror about “ethnic cleansing” is lost on the political left.

Equally important, those who claim the Palestinians must stay forever in Gaza aren’t interested in their welfare. Suffice it to say that the real “ethnic cleansing” movement is not the idea of resettling people who claim to be refugees someplace other than one run by terrorists whose only goal is to use it as a launching pad for unending war on the Jews. Ethnic cleansing of Jews from their ancient homeland isn’t just the goal of Hamas. It is inextricably tied up with Palestinian national identity and also backed by other supposedly more “moderate” Palestinian factions.

Post-Oct. 7, to refuse to see this isn’t just a matter of ignorance or deliberate blindness to the nature of a conflict that even most left-wing Israelis understand is about their existence. At this point, to ignore the truth about the political culture of the Palestinians is tantamount to supporting Jewish genocide.

The Times ad doesn’t express the views of a significant number of American Jews or even most liberal Jews. But it does provide a degree of intellectual cover and legitimacy to the antisemitic movement that seeks to label Israel as a pariah state. As such, it is part of the effort to complete the transformation of the Democratic Party into a bastion of anti-Zionism and antisemitism, as well as boost efforts to enshrine it as the orthodox position in left-wing outlets like the Times.

A line must be drawn

That is why the response of American Jewry to this latest iteration of the “as a Jew” phenomenon should not be complacency or ignoring it as insignificant.

As much as many Jews regard Trump as beyond the pale, they need to understand that whatever their feelings about him, opposing his pro-Israel policies and realism about the Palestinians isn’t routine partisanship or liberal idealism. We’ve come to the point that it must be seen as an expression of neutrality or even tacit support for a Nazi-style war against Jewish existence being waged by a bizarre red-green alliance of leftist ideologues and Islamists.

It’s time to tell these “as a Jew” renegades that we will not accept their claim to the moral high ground against Israelis or even Trump. Functional support for Palestinian “self-determination,” which means backing Hamas and its war, isn’t morally neutral or an expression of liberal Judaism’s universalist and humanitarian ideals. It is an immoral stance that puts its supporters on the side of 21st-century Nazis. Such persons deserve to be held up for opprobrium, not lauded for their supposed “courage” for opposing Trump, conservative Jews or Israel. It is they—and not Netanyahu or Trump—who must be treated by all decent persons, no matter their political affiliations, as pariahs who richly deserve our contempt.

Jonathan S. Tobin is editor-in-chief of JNS (Jewish News Syndicate). Follow him at: @jonathans_tobin.

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The Israel Defense Forces on Wednesday denied reports that it had struck a United Nations compound in the central Gaza Strip's Deir al-Balah area.

"The IDF calls on media outlets to act with caution regarding unverified reports," the military clarified in an English-language statement on X.

Earlier on Wednesday, the Gaza Health Ministry, which is run by the Hamas terrorist group, had claimed that an Israeli Air Force strike had killed one U.N. employee and wounded five others.

According to the Hamas statement, which was echoed by Reuters and other global news outlets, the slain U.N. staffer was a foreign national.

A spokeswoman for the U.N. Relief and Works Agency for Palestine Refugees in the Near East (UNRWA)—which has employed staff members with Hamas ties—did not immediately respond to a request for comment.

On Tuesday, the IDF launched "extensive" strikes against terror targets in the Strip. The campaign has been officially named "Operation Strength and Sword."

Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu's office said the military was acting after the Hamas terrorist organization rebuffed several proposals from U.S. Middle East envoy Steven Witkoff to extend the temporary truce during the Ramadan and Passover holidays.

Overnight Tuesday, the IDF carried out airstrikes on a Hamas site in the northern Gaza Strip after preparations for launching attacks on Israeli territory were identified, the military said on Wednesday morning.

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Hawaii Gov. Josh Green announced that he actively engaged with U.S. officials to maintain support for the University of Hawai’i amid a federal investigation into the school for potential antisemitic harassment and discrimination.

Green, who is Jewish, contacted senior officials at the White House on March 11 to take “decisive action” to ensure that the university did not face “unwarranted financial penalties.”

“I explained that while there was a little on-campus conflict during the recent war in Gaza, it paled in comparison to what’s gone on at other universities,” he said. “We are not an institution that is antisemitic. We’re giving them a letter to fortify our position, but they assured me the University of Hawai‘i is not on the chopping block for antisemitism.”

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A terrorist infiltration alert was activated in the Samaria village of Kiryat Netafim on Wednesday after a Palestinian individual jumped the security fence surrounding a building project, according to local authorities.

Residents were warned to remain in their homes "until further notice," and Kiryat Netafim's kitat konenut (rapid response team) was activated and conducted searches for the suspect, who according to local media was apprehended.

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Before the war, some 200,000 Palestinian workers were employed throughout the Jewish state, including 30,000 in Judea and Samaria.

Proposals to readmit P.A. workers to Jewish communities were met with dismay by many. A survey taken last year in Eli, a town of some 4,500 inhabitants in the Binyamin region of southern Samaria, showed that 82% of residents were opposed, regardless of added security measures.

However, Israeli courts confirmed in a series of cases that elected local officials do not have the legal right to block Palestinian laborers from entering their communities if the military allows their employment.

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Overnight Monday, the Israel Defense Forces launched a large-scale military operation in the Gaza Strip—a precise and determined strike that hit Hamas’s leadership at the exact moment the organization believed it was beginning to recover and rebuild from the previous phase of fighting. The shock within Hamas is evident, as the successful elimination of senior figures in both its military and political wings in Gaza sends a clear and sharp message: Israel will not allow the organization to continue rebuilding its power and conducting negotiations from a position of superiority.

As a well-known Arabic proverb says: “If your enemy is in a hurry, slow him down. If he is slow, confuse him.”

Hamas has applied precisely this strategy—endless, prolonged negotiations aimed at exhausting Israel and improving its own position. The terrorist organization understands that the hostages are its ultimate bargaining chip, which is why it believes that time is on its side.

Hamas is stalling

In recent weeks, it has become clear to all that Hamas is not genuinely interested in reaching a final agreement for the return of all hostages. Instead, it has been using the negotiations as a tactic to strengthen its military and political stance. Hamas has added new demands that were never included in the original document presented by U.S. Special Envoy to the Middle East Steve Witkoff, insisting on a prolonged ceasefire without making significant concessions, and pinned its hopes on internal pressure within Israel to force it into accepting Hamas’s terms completely.

At the same time, Hamas has continued recruiting fighters, restoring its tunnel network, planting explosives and receiving indirect backing from the Arab League and Egypt—bodies that have not explicitly demanded that Hamas disarm or cease to exist as a political entity.

Breaking the paradigm: Renewing military pressure

Israel has decided to break the paradigm by resuming military action. While this step does carry risks for the hostages, the alternative—giving Hamas more time to prepare and solidify its control—is far worse. Further delays could result in hostages dying in tunnels while the IDF is forced to fight a more fortified and emboldened enemy. Renewing the fighting is meant to exert real pressure, making Hamas leadership understand that it cannot continue to stall and dictate the rules of the game.

As Napoleon Bonaparte once said: “A sudden and painful strike is better than a hundred useless conversations.”

Israel has chosen exactly this strategy—not to be dragged into endless talks that only benefit Hamas, but rather to apply calculated and powerful force to create a real change on the ground.

The analysts were wrong: Trump and the green light to Israel

Even before the renewal of fighting, many analysts in Israel predicted that the Trump administration would not allow Israel to use significant force in Gaza. They claimed that the president was only interested in “ending wars” and would not support a large-scale military operation. These assumptions turned out to be entirely false—anyone familiar with Trump’s character, a tough New York real estate mogul, knew that in a critical moment he would not hesitate to back a forceful response.

Trump, dating back to the 1980s and 1990s, forcibly evicted tenants in Atlantic City and New York, sometimes using mafia-style tactics to advance his real estate projects. This is not to justify or praise his methods—but that’s who he is. When he sees an interest at stake, he acts decisively. Right now, the American interest is to demonstrate control and support Israel against Hamas, Iran and Hezbollah.

A message to Iran and Hezbollah

Israel’s move carries a clear message beyond the Gaza Strip. The fact that the Americans have given a bright “green light” to this operation signals to Hamas and its backers that they should not expect leniency from the United States. Hezbollah, which has refrained from escalating the northern front, understands that Israel has strong backing and that actions by the Houthis or others will not alter the strategic picture. Hamas now finds itself more isolated than ever, as its allies in the Middle East begin to realize that continuing this struggle is a lost cause.

The necessary diplomatic effort

Alongside military pressure, Israel must also act on the diplomatic front to further isolate Hamas. First and foremost, it should push for heavy American pressure on the Arab League and Egypt to make it clear to Hamas that holding its ground will lead to a complete cutoff of support and total isolation. The hasty invitation of a Hamas delegation to Cairo on Tuesday after the attack indicates that Israel’s message has been received loud and clear.

National solidarity

The decision to renew fighting was made unanimously by both Israel's political and security leadership, underscoring its strategic importance. Now, the Israeli public must demonstrate unity and solidarity, avoiding divisive political discourse that could weaken the impact of the operation and strengthen Hamas’s claims in the international arena.

Israel is not falling into Hamas’s time trap and is not allowing it to dictate the rules of the game—it is breaking the paradigm, acting on its own timeline, and redefining the terms of engagement. There is reason to believe that this move will bring Hamas to the negotiating table with a newfound understanding that the rules have changed.

Originally published by the Jerusalem Center for Security and Foreign Affairs.

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When riots erupted in May 2021 and waves of violence spread from the Galilee to the Shoket Junction—from Ramla to Acre and Lod—we witnessed an event we had warned about months in advance.

In February 2021, we presented the Israeli Minister of Public Security with a detailed plan to establish four combat brigades under the Border Police. We didn’t just bring data from hundreds of security shifts we had conducted, along with photos and evidence of protection rackets, we brought a solution. “We are on the verge of an intifada,” we warned. They wanted to listen, but bureaucracy prevailed over urgency.

Then came May. The Israel Defense Forces’ “Operation Guardian of the Walls” exposed how deep the threat ran. The riots that erupted in Israeli cities gave Hamas a dangerous sense of momentum—the belief that it could unify multiple fronts against Jewish communities. Today, we know this played a role in encouraging their plans for the Hamas-led terrorist attacks in southern Israel on Oct. 7, 2023.

For years, the government responded with vague promises about forming a “National Guard.” In reality, nothing was built to truly confront the threat. And then, the war broke out.

Communities left to fend for themselves re-established their emergency response teams as a desperate measure of self-defense. These civilian units became the first line of protection. In most cases, each community looked out for itself. If a town happened to have a former officer or elite-unit soldier, it had an edge. But the tragic reality is this: Communities are operating like isolated islands.

This is a dangerous break from Israel’s historic security model.

In the days of the Haganah and Palmach, the first thing established was the PASH—mobile field companies. They operated under a simple but crucial principle: Each community was a fortress, but no community stood alone. Every community was responsible for its neighbor, creating a shared defensive barrier. Reconnaissance units weren’t just there to protect their own towns but were designed to secure entire regions. The foundation of our security doctrine was mutual responsibility.

And yet today, despite having hundreds of emergency response teams across Israel, most lack the ability to coordinate with the town next door. There is no unified command structure, no system in place to turn five neighboring communities into a cohesive fighting force when needed. No framework to scale up, so that in times of crisis, 12 communities could form a battalion or 36 could become a brigade.

And that’s just the beginning of the dysfunction. The bureaucratic chaos is staggering: Communities within seven kilometers (a little more than four miles) of the border fall under the IDF’s jurisdiction, rural towns are under the Border Police, and urban areas are left to the civilian police. Sometimes, two neighboring emergency teams are controlled by completely different authorities. In a real crisis, there’s no coordination.

But there is a solution: “Shomrei HaBayit” Brigades.

The good news is that after Oct. 7, most communities have already been armed and equipped. The challenge is no longer about funding or scrambling for ceramic vests. The real problem is command and control.

We are now in what the IDF chief of staff has called “a year of war.” Every hostile front is watching and waiting to see what we have learned. Are we still clinging to a doctrine of containment, or have we shifted to decisive action? Are we paralyzed by existential fear, or are we moving forward with national resolve?

This war is exposing Israel’s deepest vulnerabilities. The lack of synchronization between security forces means that, at best, there is some coordination but no clear chain of command. Who is the one person responsible for managing an operation from start to finish? Right now, that answer doesn’t exist. And if we fail to fix it, Israel will pay for it in blood. Just as this war is a test of military readiness, it is also a test of internal security.

The Galilee and the Negev are burning—not just from rockets but from the lawlessness of protection rackets that are destroying businesses and farmers’ livelihoods. If these communities can defend one another in times of war, why shouldn’t they be able to do so in times of peace? This national plague of extortion must be confronted. The emergency response teams—this incredible resource already embedded in our towns—can become one of Israel’s most powerful tools. With the right operational framework, they can create a visible presence, deter crime and eradicate the protection racket phenomenon once and for all.

This is a revolution, and almost everything needed to make it happen is already in place. The only thing left is to do it.

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  • Words count:
    210 words
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  • Publication Date:
    March 19, 2025

Maj. (res.) Yossi Levi is set to become the first Haredi battalion commander in the Israel Defense Forces, a milestone in integrating ultra-Orthodox soldiers into the country's military.

“I checked—there were no Haredi battalion commanders before me. So here we go, with God’s help," he told Kan News in a profile that aired on Tuesday on the public broadcaster's Channel 11.

https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=YE8h350hBiQ&t=135s

As CEO of the Netzah Yehuda Association, Levi advocates for increased Haredi enlistment, arguing that one regular Haredi battalion could replace 12 reserve units. “It’s incredibly difficult to call up my soldiers for a third round of reserve duty,” he said.

He warned that growing hostility toward Haredim could backfire, noting a shift since Israel’s 2024 draft policy changes. “Before, some felt embarrassed not to enlist. Now, even those not studying Torah say, ‘We won’t enlist.’”

Levi also highlighted the short-lived Haredi volunteer surge after the Hamas-led terrorist invasion on Oct. 7, 2023, and challenged claims that the army threatens religious identity. “Dropout rates are higher in academia than in the IDF. So why study for a degree but refuse to serve?”

Calling for systemic change, he insisted: “There’s no more patience. Something must be fixed.”

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  • Words count:
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    March 19, 2025

Israel on Tuesday sharply criticized United Nations Secretary-General António Guterres, after he condemned Israel's airstrikes on Hamas targets in Gaza overnight Monday.

"We are outraged that you are the secretary-general of the United Nations," tweeted Israeli Foreign Ministry spokesperson Oren Marmorstein.

"Not a word about Hamas rejecting two ceasefire extensions [that] Israel accepted. Not a word about Hamas exploiting humanitarian aid or UNRWA employing terrorists. Indeed, we are outraged by your moral bankruptcy," he said, referring to the United Nations Relief and Works Agency for Palestine Refugees in the Near East.

Guterres had some two hours earlier stated he was "outraged by Israeli airstrikes in Gaza," calling for a renewed ceasefire, uninterrupted aid and the unconditional release of hostages.

https://twitter.com/OrenMarmorstein/status/1902126202242134431

The latest clash follows a series of tensions between Israel and Guterres, who previously angered Israeli officials by stating Hamas' Oct. 7 attack "did not happen in a vacuum." Israel has accused him of bias, pointing to his decision to exclude Hamas from a U.N. list of entities accused of sexual violence, while later blacklisting Israel alongside Russia and terrorist organizations.

Following Iran’s October attack on Israel, then-foreign minister Israel Katz barred Guterres from entering the country, calling him a "disgrace in U.N. history" for failing to condemn Iran unequivocally.

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  • Words count:
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The Israel Defense Forces carried out airstrikes on a Hamas site in the northern Gaza Strip overnight Tuesday after preparations for launching attacks on Israeli territory were identified, the military said on Wednesday morning.

Additionally, during the night, Navy forces targeted several vessels off the coast of Gaza that were being used for terrorist activities by Hamas and Islamic Jihad, according to the IDF.

The military stated that it remains committed to striking terrorist targets in the Gaza Strip to neutralize threats against Israeli civilians and military forces.

The IDF announced early on Tuesday morning that it had launched “extensive” strikes against terror targets in Gaza. The campaign has been officially named "Operation Strength and Sword."

Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu’s office said the military was acting after the Hamas terror group rebuffed several proposals from U.S. Middle East envoy Steven Witkoff to extend the ceasefire in the coastal enclave during the Ramadan and Passover holidays.

“Israel will, from now on, act against Hamas with increasing military strength,” said Israel’s Prime Minister’s Office. The goal of the military campaign in Gaza remains to achieve “the objectives of the war as they have been determined by the political echelon, including the release of all of our hostages, the living and the deceased,” the statement added.

Netanyahu said on Tuesday night that Hamas in the Gaza Strip has “already felt our strength” since the IDF returned to fighting, warning that future ceasefire negotiations with the terror group “will only take place under fire.”

Hamas, however, insisted that it has not abandoned negotiations. "Hamas has not closed the door on negotiations, but we insist there is no need for new agreements," senior official Taher al-Nunu told AFP from Cairo on Wednesday, calling for international pressure to enforce the ceasefire.

The IDF confirmed on Tuesday night that Essam al-Dalis, “the Hamas prime minister and a senior government figure in the Gaza Strip” was among several senior terrorists killed in the campaign.

Mahmoud Abu Watfa, a deputy minister in Gaza’s Hamas-run Interior Ministry, Ahmed al-Hetta, the justice minister and Bahjat Abu Sultan, head of central operations in the Gaza Interior Ministry, were also killed.

Palestinian Islamic Jihad confirmed on Tuesday evening “with great pride and honor” that its spokesman Naji Abu Saif, known as “Abu Hamza,” was killed in an Israeli strike that day.

Nearly three in five Israelis back the resumption of fighting in the Gaza Strip in the wake of Hamas’s rejection of a U.S. proposal to extend the ceasefire in exchange for the release of more hostages.

According to a survey carried out by Israel’s Direct Polls Institute and published by Channel 14 on Monday night—before the Israel Defense Forces launched a campaign of extensive airstrikes in Gaza—59% of Israelis support the resumption of hostilities.

Some 38% said they opposed it, while 3% of respondents did not express a position.

According to the most recent Israeli government assessments, there are 59 captives remaining under the control of Palestinian terrorists in Gaza. Of those, 24 are believed to still be alive.

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  • Words count:
    412 words
  • Type of content:
    News
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  • Publication Date:
    March 19, 2025

The American Jewish Committee on Tuesday said that Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan's accusation that Israel “feeds on the blood, lives and tears of the innocent" fuels antisemitism and "distorts reality."

Erdoğan made the statement on Monday at a Ramadan dinner after Israel struck Hamas targets in Gaza following a 58-day ceasefire.

“Erdoğan's ongoing advocacy for Hamas and his relentless demonization of Israel should be met with unequivocal condemnation,” The AJC statement added.

Diliman Abdulkader, a prominent activist for Kurdish rights, also condemned Erdoğan's remarks.

“The terrorist state of Turkey literally just slaughtered an entire Kurdish family of nine, which included seven children. Turkey houses, arms and sponsors terrorism. Islamist Turkey must be booted from NATO,” wrote Abdulkader.

He was referencing reports that a Turkish drone strike had killed nine civilians from the same family in a village south of Kobani in Syria on Sunday night.

Erdoğan has a record of using what his critics decry as blood libels against Israel and Jews.

In June, Erdoğan said in a speech to members of his AK Party that, “The world is watching the barbarity of ... a psychopath, a vampire who feeds on blood called Netanyahu, and they are watching it on live broadcast."

In November 2023, he reiterated at least two libels that he had previously used against Israel. On Nov. 12, 2023, he said that “Israel is now a baby-killer country.” Later that week, he told his party conference, “I say with a clear conscience that Israel is a terrorist state.”

Erdoğan was reacting to Israel’s attacks on Hamas following the terrorist group's Oct. 7, 2023 invasion of Israel, in which its terrorists and other Gazans murdered some 1,200 people and abducted another 251.

The Turkish leader inveighed against Israel also in 2021, during a previous round of hostilities between Israel and Hamas that the terrorist group initiated.

He made a rambling speech in Ankara following a cabinet meeting in which he used “Jews” and "Israelis” interchangeably.

“They are murderers, to the point that they kill children who are five or six years old. They are murderers, to the point they drag women on the ground to their death and they are murderers, to the point they kill old people ... They only are satisfied by sucking their blood,” he said.

The U.S. State Department spokesperson at the time, Ned Price, said “the United States strongly condemns President Erdoğan’s recent antisemitic comments regarding the Jewish people and finds them reprehensible.”

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