OpinionMiddle East

Is a Palestinian state consistent with US interests?

While Western conventional wisdom is based heavily on the pro-Palestinian Arab talk, Middle East reality is shaped by the Arab walk.

The special plaques given to diplomats from the United Arab Emirates, Bahrain, Morocco, Jordan and Egypt at the second anniversary of the signing of the Abraham Accords at the Israeli embassy in Washington on Sept. 15, 2022. Credit: Courtesy of the Israeli Embassy in Washington D.C.
The special plaques given to diplomats from the United Arab Emirates, Bahrain, Morocco, Jordan and Egypt at the second anniversary of the signing of the Abraham Accords at the Israeli embassy in Washington on Sept. 15, 2022. Credit: Courtesy of the Israeli Embassy in Washington D.C.
Yoram Ettinger
Yoram Ettinger
Yoram Ettinger is a former ambassador and head of Second Thought: A U.S.-Israel Initiative.

According to the late professor John Galbraith, the enemy of conventional wisdom is not ideas but the march of facts.  Galbraith also suggests that conventional wisdom does not accommodate itself to the real world, but to a certain view of the world.

Indeed, the march of Middle East facts has exposed the alarming flaws in the Palestinian-oriented Western conventional wisdom, which has attempted to reshape Middle East reality in accordance with its own worldview.

For example:

Since 1948, contrary to Western conventional wisdom, Arab countries have never flexed their military (and rarely their financial and diplomatic) muscle on behalf of the Palestinian cause. This is evidenced by the July 2023 battle between Israel and Palestinian terrorism, the previous 2021, 2014, 2012 and 2008 battles against Gaza-based Palestinian terrorism, as well as the second (2000-2005) and first (1987-93) Intifadas and the (1982) war against the PLO in Lebanon.

Since 1948, Middle East reality has demonstrated that in contradiction of Western conventional wisdom, Arab national interests transcend—and often conflict with—the Palestinian issue. Therefore, no Arab-Israel war (1948/49, 1956, 1967 and 1973) erupted due to—or on behalf of—the Palestinians.

Moreover, the six Israel-Arab peace accords, with Egypt, Jordan, the United Arab Emirates, Bahrain, Morocco and Sudan, were concluded because they bypassed the Palestinian issue, eliminating Palestinian veto power, which has been enshrined by Western conventional wisdom, torpedoing all Western peace proposals.

No Israel-Arab peace treaty has been suspended due to Israel’s operations against Palestinian terrorism. Arabs made peace with Israel in order to advance their own interests, and do not sacrifice these interests on the altar of Palestinian interests.

In contrast to Western conventional wisdom, Saudi Arabia and the six Arab partners to peace treaties with Israel are aware that the Palestinian issue is neither the crux of the Arab-Israeli conflict, nor a crown jewel of Arab policy making, nor a core cause of Middle East turbulence. 

Similarly, the central role played by Saudi Arabia in the conclusion of Israel’s peace treaties with the United Arab Emirates and Bahrain, along with the substantial expansion of Israel-Saudi Arabia defense and commercial cooperation, has proceeded irrespective of fierce Palestinian opposition.  

In fact, the relatively moderate pro-U.S. Arab regimes do not subscribe to the philo-Palestinian Western conventional wisdom. They have demonstrated indifference and/or opposition to the idea of a Palestinian state.

While Western conventional wisdom is based heavily on the pro-Palestinian Arab talk, Middle East reality is shaped by the Arab walk, which has been forged in response to the intra-Arab Palestinian rogue track record.  Hence the critical/hostile Arab policy toward the Palestinians. Arabs are aware of the Middle East rule: one does not pay customs on words.

The Arabs—and especially Saudi Arabia and the other Arab Gulf states—base their Palestinian policy on the Palestinian intra-Arab track record, which has transformed Palestinians into a role model of intra-Arab subversion, terrorism, ingratitude and treachery (e.g., the collaboration with Saddam Hussein’s 1990 invasion of Kuwait, their most generous Arab host; the 1970-1982 plunder of Lebanon; the 1970 civil war in Jordan; the 1960s and 1950s terrorism in Syria and Egypt). They have experienced the Palestinian tendency to brutally bite the hand that feeds them.

They are also aware of the Palestinian strategic ties with Islamic, Latin American, African, Asian and European terror/rogue entities, including the Muslim Brotherhood, Iran’s ayatollahs, North Korea, Venezuela and Cuba, as well as the Palestinian collaboration with Nazi Germany (“Mein Kampf” is a popular book in the Palestinian Authority) and the Soviet Bloc.

Furthermore, the pro-U.S. Arab regimes are convinced that the Palestinians’ rogue track record proves that a Palestinian state would only add fuel to the 1,400-year-old Middle East fire and give a tailwind to rogue elements.  

America’s economy, national and homeland security, too, would be severely undermined by a Palestinian state west of the Jordan River, which would induce the toppling of the pro-U.S. Hashemite regime east of the River, transforming Jordan into a chaotic state like Libya, Lebanon, Syria, Iraq and Yemen, serving as another epicenter of anti-U.S. regional and global Islamic terrorism.

Such an uncontrollable entity would be leveraged by Iran’s ayatollahs and Muslim Brotherhood terrorists, triggering a ripple effect into the Arabian Peninsula. It would threaten every pro-U.S., oil-producing Arab regime, jeopardizing the supply of Persian Gulf oil (48% of the proven world reserves) and the state of global trade, increasing the price at the pump in the United States and advance the stature of Iran’s ayatollahs, China and Russia.

While Western conventional wisdom asserts that Palestinian terrorism is driven by despair, reality attests to the fact that it is driven by the hope of uprooting the “infidel” Jewish state. This is documented by Palestinian hate-education, which is the most authentic reflection of the Palestinian vision and the most effective production line of terrorists, bolstered by the idolization of terrorists via public monuments and buildings, and by the Palestinian Authority extending monthly allowances to families of terrorists.

The Palestinian vision is codified by the 1964 PLO charter, which supersedes the P.A., as well as the PLO’s June 1974 Phased Plan.  These pivotal documents reveal that the Palestinians are not preoccupied with the size—but with the demise—of Israel.  

The terrorist nature of the Palestinian leadership can also be gleaned through its attitude toward Christians. Since its 1993 establishment, Mahmoud Abbas’ P.A. has induced—through repression and discrimination—a Christian exodus from Bethlehem, demoting Christians to the status of dhimmis, a tolerated second-class people. Bethlehem has been transformed from a Christian-majority city to one with a Christian minority of 12%.

In conclusion

Will U.S. policy makers adhere to the advice of Dr. Albert Ellis, one of the world’s leading psychologists: “The best predictor of future behavior is past behavior”?

Do U.S. policy makers—who extend a red-carpet reception to Palestinian leaders—realize the reason for the shabby doormat awaiting Palestinian leaders in most Arab capitals?

The proposed Palestinian state, on the one hand, and U.S. values and national security and peaceful coexistence, on the other hand, constitute a classic oxymoron.

Originally published by The Ettinger Report.

The opinions and facts presented in this article are those of the author, and neither JNS nor its partners assume any responsibility for them.
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