Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu and then-Defense Minister Yoav Gallant at the Knesset in Jerusalem, March 13, 2024. Photo by Yonatan Sindel/Flash90.
Headline
Netanyahu fires Gallant, names Israel Katz as defense minister
Intro
"In the midst of war, more than ever, complete trust is required between the prime minister and the defense minister," Netanyahu stated.
text

Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu announced on Tuesday that he fired Yoav Gallant as defense minister and named Israel Katz, the Israeli foreign minister, as the new head of the Defense Ministry.

The announcement came hours before polls started closing in the United States on Election Day—one of the most dominant international news stories during a U.S. presidential election. Netanyahu stated that Gideon Sa'ar, minister without portfolio, would replace Katz as Jerusalem's top diplomat.

"In the midst of war, more than ever, complete trust is required between the prime minister and the defense minister," Netanyahu stated. "Unfortunately, even though such trust was present during the first months of the military campaign, and we had a very productive cooperation, during the past several months this trust between myself and the defense minister has begun to crack."

Gallant and Netanyahu "had substantial disagreements on the management of the military campaign, disagreements which were accompanied by public statements and actions that contravened the decisions of the government and the security cabinet," the Israeli premier stated.

"I have made multiple attempts to resolve these disagreements, but they became increasingly wider," Netanyahu said. "They were also brought to the knowledge of the public in an inappropriate manner, and what is even worse, they have reached the knowledge of the enemy; our enemies have taken great delight in these disagreements and have derived much benefit from them."

A senior Israeli official close to Netanyahu told JNS that “with Gallant gone, the leaks from the cabinet will most probably subside and the achievements will increase.”

Netanyahu stated that Katz "has proven his abilities and has made a contribution to national security as minister of foreign affairs, minister of finance, minister of intelligence for five years and, equally important, as a long-standing member of the state security cabinet."

"Israel Katz brings to the table an impressive combination of rich experience and executive capabilities," Netanyahu said. "He is known as a man of action who combines responsibility with reserved decisiveness, all important qualities for driving a military campaign."

Netanyahu added that naming Katz and Sa'ar to fill new roles "will reinforce the government and the security cabinet, transforming them into bodies that work cooperatively and harmoniously for the security of the State of Israel, for the citizens of Israel and for our victory."

In a missive published by Channel 12, the premier told Gallant that his dismissal would be effective 48 hours after the delivery of the letter. "I would like to thank you for your work as defense minister," Netanyahu wrote. A meeting between the two was said to have lasted three minutes.

The Channel 12 report noted that, as part of the move, Netanyahu and Katz are expected to launch a bid to replace Israel Defense Forces Chief of Staff Lt. Gen. Herzi Halevi and other senior Israeli security officials.

Netanyahu stated in press release that "the reports to the effect that the prime minister intends to dismiss senior officials in the security services are incorrect and are designed to sow discord and rifts."

"This is also the case with the mendacious reports that the ultra-Orthodox ministers were in on the matter," he said. "They learned about it from the media."

Responding to his firing, Gallant wrote in Hebrew that "the security of the State of Israel was and will always remain my life's mission."

Katz thanked Netanyahu for entrusting him with the responsibility and vowed to lead the Israeli military "towards victory against our enemies and to achieve the goals of the war: The return of all the hostages as the most important mission, the destruction of Hamas in Gaza, the defeat of Hezbollah in Lebanon, the curbing of Iranian aggression and the safe return of the residents of the north and south to their homes."

Netanyahu and Gallant had been at odds since the 2023 judicial reform crisis. In May 2023, while Netanyahu was abroad, Gallant called a solo press conference and urged the prime minister to halt the judicial reform legislation amid massive street protests throughout Israel.

Some 24 hours later, Netanyahu announced his intention to fire Gallant. Nationwide protests against the government’s now-shelved judicial reform agenda intensified, and the premier reversed his decision.

Six months ago, Netanyahu and other members of his coalition slammed Gallant after he demanded that Jerusalem commit to Palestinian control over the Gaza Strip post-war with Hamas.

In September, after news broke that the Israel Defense Forces found the bodies of six hostages in a Hamas tunnel in southern Gaza, Gallant demanded that Netanyahu renege on a decision to keep IDF troops on the enclave’s border with Egypt, known as the Philadelphi Corridor.

Gallant apologized in a bid to stave off his dismissal, Maariv reported later that month, citing conversations among the premier's associates.

The majority of Likud Party voters lost faith in Gallant and wanted to see him fired, according to a JNS/Direct Polls survey carried out in July.

Israeli National Security Minister Itamar Ben-Gvir praised Tuesday's move, writing on social media in Hebrew that "I congratulate the prime minister on the decision to fire Gallant."

He added that Gallant is still "deeply trapped" in the pre-Oct. 7, 2023 security concept that "it is not possible to achieve absolute victory." Netanyahu "did well to remove him from his position," Ben-Gvir wrote.

Opposition leader Yair Lapid, of the Yesh Atid Party, called the firing an "act of madness," urging his supporters to take to the streets.

Following the announcement of Gallant's dismissal, protesters blocked Tel Aviv's Ayalon Highway and lit bonfires. Police erected barriers in front of Netanyahu's Jerusalem residence.

"Israel Police officers are deployed in large forces at the protest hotspots throughout the country with the purpose of maintaining security and public order, as well as to enable a balance between the freedom to legitimately protest and the freedom of movement," police stated.

"We call on the protesting public to obey instructions of police officers at the scene and to behave in a way that will not endanger the safety of the protestors, the police officers and road users," the statement added.

https://twitter.com/netanyahu/status/1853862594958024775
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Israeli security forces eliminated a terrorist overnight in the western Samaria city of Qalqilya who was planning an imminent attack against Israeli civilians, according to a police statement on Tuesday.

Israel's National Counter-Terrorism Unit (Yamam) and Israel Defense Forces troops arrived at the scene acting on Israel Security Agency (Shin Bet) intelligence. The suspect opened fire, sparking a firefight that included shoulder-fired missiles and an armed drone, during which the terrorist was killed and two others neutralized.

A submachine gun was recovered from the site. No Israeli forces were injured in the operation.

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The Israel Defense Forces and Israeli Security Agency (Shin Bet) have destroyed more than 100 Hamas pickup trucks in Gaza as of Monday.

According to the IDF, the vehicles played a key role in the terrorist group's Oct. 7, 2023 invasion of southern Israel, and were also used for transporting weapons and carrying out further terror operations.

https://twitter.com/IDF/status/1904200968994001213

The military stated that it will continue to take action against terror groups in Gaza to eliminate threats to Israeli civilians.

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Israel’s strength stems from its people, but its continued presence on the Jewish nation’s historic homeland is vastly important as well—both from a security as well as a nationalistic perspective.

With a deeply pro-Israel U.S. administration currently in the White House under President Donald Trump’s second term, the question many Israelis have today is whether Israel will annex any part of Judea or Samaria.

Enia Krivine, senior director of the Israel Program and the National Security Network at the Foundation for Defense of Democracies, told JNS, “It’s very hard to predict what Trump will do.”

She said this administration’s staffing, different from the last administration, “will impact decision-making.”

Krivine pointed out that Mike Huckabee, a minister, former governor of Arkansas and Trump’s pick for ambassador to Israel, is “someone who has a long record of being vocally supportive of annexation.”

She noted that Huckabee “is also an emissary to Trump’s powerful Evangelical base, a large percentage of whom are supportive of Israel and believe that the Land of Israel – including Judea and Samaria – was promised to Jews in the Bible.”

“A lot will depend on who Trump empowers to manage this file,” she said.

Huckabee is not the only major U.S. figure to express pro-Israel views. U.S. Rep. Elise Stefanik (R-NY), Trump’s appointee as UN ambassador, was asked in her confirmation hearing in January if she agreed with the view that Israel has a “biblical right to the entire West Bank,” to which she replied she did.

The need for Israel to annex and control strategic areas in Judea and Samaria and to counter the Palestinian ideological rejection of any Jewish state between the Jordan River and the Mediterranean Sea has only been further bolstered by the hostility and misguided opinion expressed recently by UN High Commissioner for Human Rights Volker Türk.

He recently seemed to suggest that Israel has no legal or historic rights to any part of Judea or Samaria and accused it of committing “a war crime” by occupying land he believes belongs to the Palestinians.

“The transfer by Israel of parts of its own civilian population into the territory it occupies amounts to a war crime,” Türk said.

He also said: “Israel’s settlement policy, its acts of annexation, and related discriminatory legislation and measures are in breach of international law, as the International Court of Justice has confirmed, and violate Palestinians’ right to self-determination.”

According to a report by his office, Israel’s government last year “ratcheted up settlement of the occupied West Bank, including East Jerusalem, transferring its own population into the territory and unlawfully demolishing Palestinian homes, while settler violence increased in a climate of continuing impunity.”

Türk demanded that Israel “immediately and completely cease all settlement activities and evacuate all settlers, stop the forcible transfer of the Palestinian population, and prevent and punish attacks by its security forces and settlers.”

The report goes on to accuse Israel of the “ongoing transfer of Government powers over the Occupied Palestinian Territory from the Israeli military to the Israeli Government” and is “facilitating the advancement of Israeli settlements in the West Bank and the steady integration of the occupied West Bank into the State of Israel.”

Notwithstanding the report and Türk’s accusations, Israel’s Minister of Agriculture and Food Security Avi Dichter convened a meeting on Sunday with senior officials from the Yesha Council to address both the challenges and opportunities involved in advancing agricultural development and prosperity in the region.

In his remarks on strengthening Israeli agriculture, Dichter stated, “We are at a historic moment that must not be missed; the time has come to apply Israeli sovereignty in Judea and Samaria.”

Israel Ganz, head of the Binyamin Regional Council and chairman of the Yesha Council, echoed this sentiment, emphasizing the potential of the region. 

“Judea and Samaria can be at the forefront of Israeli agriculture,” Ganz said. “But to achieve this, bureaucratic obstacles must be removed, and the communities must be allowed to manage the land and agricultural reserves like anywhere else in the country. One of our central challenges stems from the fact that Israeli law does not apply in Judea and Samaria. The time has come to apply sovereignty.”

Words are one thing; actions are another.What would need to fall into place for this to happen?

According to Krivine, if Huckabee is placed in charge of the Judea and Samaria portfolio, “there’s a good chance that the White House will give Israel some flexibility on the issue of annexation.”

Hillel Frisch, a professor of political science and Middle Eastern history at Bar Ilan University, told JNS he isn’t sure he understands what Türk was referring to when he talked about Israel transferring its civilian population. However, if it means expanding Jewish communities, then he said he believes “it has increased, most of it through private initiative,” meaning, not through a government project.

Frisch said if the political conditions allow it, it is possible that Israel could annex the Jordan valley and surrounding areas, as well as Ma’ale Adumim and Ariel.

There is no question that vehement opposition to the idea of annexation exists within Israel and while the majority of those against identify with the left-leaning political spectrum, there are also some on the Center and Right who, with certain incentives, would be willing to forgo the idea.

For instance, many Israelis favor normalizing relations with Saudi Arabia alongside the establishment of a Palestinian state over annexing Judea and Samaria, according to new polling data, though it is unclear what percentage of respondents identified with the Right, Center, or Left.

The survey, conducted recently by the aChord Research Institute at Hebrew University, found that when presented with two options—“promote a regional political-security arrangement that includes normalization with Arab states, including Saudi Arabia, and agreeing to establish a Palestinian state” or “promote full annexation of the West Bank”—60 percent of respondents chose the former, while 31 percent favored the latter.

Krivine raised this point as well. She said that unilateral annexation would “likely slow or stall normalization with Saudi Arabia, which Bibi sees as critical for Israel’s future.”

She added that even if unilateral annexation would be “blessed by the White House” it will cause “a huge international headache for Israel,” and it is up to Israel’s leadership “to decide if the trade-off is worth it for them.” 

With this in mind, it is important to understand the possible advantages and disadvantages of annexing any part of Judea or Samaria.

In Krivine’s view, “there are big risks and big opportunities here and different ways that annexation could happen.”

During his first administration, Trump proposed the “Deal of the Century,” which involved annexation in the context of a larger peace deal between Israelis and Palestinians.

According to Krivine, “If Trump can work with regional partners to craft another peace proposal that includes some Israeli annexation in Judea and Samaria in exchange for other, generous offers to Palestinians, including potential land swaps, then there’s a chance that Israel could annex territories in Judea and Samaria in the context of a deal.”

“As usual, the Palestinians will be the deciders, and they have never agreed to any deal, so it’s hard to imagine them ever saying ‘yes’ and ending the conflict,” she said. “Unfortunately, it’s highly unlikely that they will change their rejectionist ways.”

The major advantage of annexing Judea and Samaria, according to Frisch, “is the prevention of the emergence of a Palestinian state.”

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Israeli forces on Monday night arrested Palestinian filmmaker Hamdan Balal on suspicion of throwing stones at security forces during violent clashes near Susya in Judea, according to Hebrew media reports.

Balal, co-director of the Oscar-winning documentary "No Other Land," was among three Palestinians detained, along with an Israeli citizen involved in the confrontation.

The Israel Defense Forces reported that the violence began when Palestinian suspects hurled rocks at Israeli civilians, damaging vehicles. A confrontation erupted between Israelis and Palestinians, leading to further rock-throwing. Security forces intervened, at which point Palestinians allegedly threw stones at them, prompting the arrests.

An Israeli citizen was also injured and evacuated for medical treatment.

The Israeli army denied reports that Balal was taken from an ambulance.

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The Israeli Defense Ministry has signed a contract worth hundreds of millions of dollars with Sikorsky, a Lockheed Martin company, to integrate advanced Israeli mission systems into 12 CH-53K "Pere" helicopters for the Israeli Air Force.

The agreement, signed by the ministry's mission to the United States in New York, ensures that the aircraft will meet the IAF’s specific operational requirements.

Visualization image of the CH-53K "Pere" helicopter. Credit: Lockheed Martin.

The CH-53 K helicopters, currently being assembled at Sikorsky’s Connecticut facility, are part of a Foreign Military Sales (FMS) deal with the U.S. government. They will replace the IAF's aging Sikorsky CH-53 "Yasur" fleet.

Under the new contract, Sikorsky will establish a dedicated production line to modify each aircraft with Israeli-supplied avionics, navigation and electronic warfare systems.

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"There is only one way for Israel to get rid of Hamas—to reoccupy Gaza. You reestablish a military government over there and you announce that you are the government now. That mere announcement means Hamas is finished," said award-winning Israeli Arab journalist Khaled Abu Toameh.

“In 2007, Hamas did the same with the Palestinian Authority when it launched a coup. They immediately announced that they were the new government in Gaza, and many people accepted. The P.A. surrendered,” he told European and American journalists on a press tour in Israel this week organized by the Europe Israel Press Association and its U.S. branch, the American Middle East Press Association.

 “That’s the only way to get rid of Hamas—by creating an alternative to them. The only alternative now is Israel. No Arab will come to Gaza as long as Hamas is over there,’’ added Abu Toameh, who worked in Gaza for many years and has met the leaders of Hamas, Islamic Jihad and the PLO.

"I don’t say that the occupation has to be permanent. I am not saying rebuild settlements in Gaza. I am saying you reestablish a military government and then you say to tell the world—'I am going to leave Gaza; I am not here to run the schools and the hospitals, but before I leave, I want guarantees and I want to know who is going to be in charge over here,’" he said.

"When you announce that ‘I am the government,’ Palestinians will wake up and tell you where Hamas is and where the hostages are. Because they know that you are not there for five or six days, but until you achieve your goals," he continued. 

“Unfortunately, Israel didn’t reoccupy Gaza after Oct. 7. They went in and out,’’ said Abu Toameh.

Asked about the recent Arab plan to rebuild Gaza proposed by Egypt, he replied: "It’s a nice plan, but don’t count on the Arabs to rebuild Gaza or help the Palestinians." 

The plan, he said, did not stem from any genuine interest for the Palestinians.

"The Arabs don’t care about the Palestinians. They announced this plan because they are afraid that U.S. President [Donald] Trump will send the Palestinians to Jordan and Egypt," he continued.

"Since 1992, the Palestinians are almost entirely dependent on American and European taxpayers’ money. The Arabs don’t give them anything,’’ he said.

Surprised by the Oct. 7 attack?

Since the Hamas-led Oct. 7, 2023 massacre, many of his friends and colleagues from around the world had been calling to ask if the events of that day had surprised him, he said.

“My answer is yes and no. The timing of the attack came as a surprise to me. Not because it happened on a Shabbat and a Jewish holiday, but because we were all convinced that Hamas was deterred, that it was not interested in another round of fighting. 

“It came at a time when Israel started easing restrictions on the Gaza Strip in an unprecedented way. For the first time since 2007, when Hamas came into power in Gaza, on Oct. 6, 18,500 Palestinians from Gaza had permits to come and work inside Israel. The plan was to increase that number to 30,000 at the end of 2023. 

"So, we were all convinced that Hamas would not launch an attack because Palestinians had a lot to lose. That’s why the timing came as a surprise to me. What also surprised me was the nature of the crimes and the scale of the attack on that day. 

“I am not saying that Hamas was previously a peaceful non-violent movement. I covered many of their violent acts. But what we saw on Oct. 7 was different. It was not the usual suicide bombings, stabbings and car-ramming attacks. 

“Thousands of Hamas terrorists participated in the attack, and it is a fact that thousands of ‘ordinary Palestinians’ also participated in the attack. I didn’t see one Palestinian who condemned the attack.”

On Oct. 7, he continued, Hamas had done what it always said it would do—wage a jihad, holy war, against Israel.

"Oct. 7 is just another face in this Islamist jihad. The goal is very clear: to eliminate Israel and replace it with an Islamist state," he said. 

"Since its establishment in 1988, Hamas has been very clear and consistent about its message—this whole land is Muslim land. No Muslim is entitled to give up one inch of it to a non-Muslim. They have not changed one word of their ideology and charter," he continued.

"I was also not surprised because I see it also as the result of a massive campaign to delegitimize Israel and demonize Jews. It is a campaign that has been taking place for years in the mosques, in the media and in rhetoric on streets and campuses."

Arab Israelis fighting for integration in the State of Israel

"We the Arabs living inside Israel have no political demands from our state of Israel. Our only demands are those of a minority," said Abu Toameh. "We want more jobs in the public sector and more public funding and investments."

Israel's Arabs are fighting for integration into the state, "While the Palestinians in the West Bank and Gaza are fighting for the exact opposite. They want separation from Israel," he said. 

"Some of them want separation in the form of a Palestinian state next to Israel, but many sadly want separation in the form of a Palestinian state instead of Israel."

Originally published by European Jewish Press.

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Bruce Pearl, the Jewish basketball coach whose Auburn Tigers men's team advanced to the NCAA's Sweet 16 over the weekend, opened his postgame presser on Saturday by calling on Hamas to release the 59 hostages still being held in the Gaza Strip.

"I believe it was God's plan to give us this success, success beyond what we deserve, to give us this platform, to give me an opportunity to start this press conference really briefly and remind the world that Edan Alexander is still held hostage in Gaza," said Pearl.

"There aren't enough people in this country that know his name," stated the coach, adding: "I asked the players if it was OK if I started out this press conference and just called out the name of an American."

"Bring the hostages home," insisted Pearl, whom Israel's Hostages and Missing Families Forum described as "passionate."

https://twitter.com/bringhomenow/status/1903885253581713630

Fifty-nine hostages, including Alexander and the bodies of four other U.S. citizens, are still being held captive by Palestinian terrorists, 537 days after the Oct. 7, 2023, cross-border massacre in Israel.

According to Israel Defense Forces data, at least 35 of the 59 are dead.

The slain U.S. hostages whose remains are being held by Hamas are civilians Judi Weinstein Haggai and her husband Gadi Haggai, and IDF soldiers Itay Chen and Omer Maxim Neutra.

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  • Words count:
    767 words
  • Type of content:
    COLUMN
  • Byline:
  • Publication Date:
    March 25, 2025

Israel is on the very cusp of major historical change. The only question is whether its leaders will seize the moment or, tragically, let it slip away.

The potential portal to a new tomorrow was created by President Donald Trump’s audacious proposal for the removal of the population of Gaza as a precondition for peace—or at least stability—in the war-torn coastal enclave.

The essence of the revolutionary innovation in the Trump doctrine was that it set aside the “false axiom” that has underlain all previous policy proposals since the 1990s and Israel’s ill-considered unilateral withdrawal from Gaza—i.e., that for some yet-to-be-specified reason, Gaza must be administered by a Palestinian self-governing entity of one form or another. Indeed, all policy proposals that eschew the notion of population removal envisage some yet-to-be-located “domesticated” Palestinians, with both the will and the authority to live in peace—or, at least long-term, non-belligerence—with the Jewish state.

As such, all these other proposals are, in some way, no more than some variant of the failed Oslo formula … or one of its ill-conceived derivatives. One of the most puzzling aspects of these fatally flawed “Oslowian” concoctions is not only the widespread support they enjoyed in “learned” academic circles but the fact that, despite its glaring and gory failures, its dominance of the debate endured as long as it did. After all, it had no real theoretical basis on which to draw or any empirical evidence to support its misguided prognoses. As such, they were little more than the triumph of unfounded optimism and /or political bias over inconvenient facts and recalcitrant realities.

Accordingly, the Trump proposal comprises a point of singularity, marking a sharp break from past trends and a somber recognition of the futility of past pursuits of some mythical Palestinian “peace partner,” as reflected in the recurring failures over the last three decades. It embodies an acknowledgment that the possible structure of governance in Gaza is encapsulated in a deductive, almost mathematical, algorithm: Israel can determine who governs Gaza and how it is governed if, and only if, it governs it itself. But Israel can only govern Gaza without incurring accusations of it governing over “another people” if, and only if, that “other people” (i.e., the Arab population of Gaza) are removed from the confines of the Gaza Strip.

The Trump proposal also represents the unmasking of a fallacy that has dominated decades of discourse on Gaza—that the general public in Gaza is somehow the unwilling victim of its radical Islamist leadership. Indeed, as the unvarnished images of Oct. 7 showed, the Gazan population is not the victim of its terrorist rulers. Quite the opposite, it is the crucible in which that leadership was formed and the incubator from which it emerged. Hamas and its barbaric brutality are not an external imposition on an unwilling populace, but rather a true reflection of its innermost soul and most profound desires.

Since Trump’s proposal for the removal of the Gazan population was raised, it has been assailed by Oslowian stalwarts as either impractical or immoral, or both. Those claims are demonstratively defective.

With regard to its morality, it is difficult to identify any moral benefit in sentencing Gazans to life under misogynistic, homophobic Islamist tyranny, which any Palestinian entity is bound to become, rather than allowing them to attain a better, more prosperous life in some third-party country outside the “circle of violence” they have endured for decades.

With regard to its practical feasibility, the entire Gazan population of around 2 million people represents an infinitesimal amount of people relative to the global migrant population of well over a quarter of a billion (281 million). Indeed, adding the entire Gazan population to the total global tally of migrants would result in a barely perceptible increase of less than 1%.

Significantly, the total population of Gaza is just over 1.6% of that of Egypt (almost 118 million) and 2.2% of that of Turkey (almost 88 million). Overall, the population of Gaza is merely 1% of the combined population of Egypt and Turkey, thus its absorption into those two countries alone—both of which are vocal sympathizers of Gaza—would be a virtually imperceptible burden. Adding additional Muslim host nations, such as the Gulf states and Saudi Arabia, would reduce this minor burden even further—especially if accompanied by international financial aid.

Accordingly, the concept broached by Trump, of population removal in Gaza, is not some outlandish, beyond-the-pale proposition. Nor is it a recipe for radical right-wing extremism. On the contrary. It is nothing but sound political science.

Its immediate implementation is an urgent imperative.

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  • Words count:
    151 words
  • Type of content:
    Update Desk
  • Byline:
  • Publication Date:
    March 25, 2025

Maj.-Gen. (res.) Amir Baram was appointed the 26th director general of the Israeli Defense Ministry on Monday in a ceremony led by Israeli Defense Minister Israel Katz.

Katz praised Baram’s leadership, stating, “We must be capable of defending ourselves through our own strength.”

Baram pledged to ensure Israel’s defense establishment remains prepared for all threats, saying, “Together we will develop a strategy to defeat all threats, from knife to nuclear.” He emphasized balancing operational readiness with long-term development and fostering strong international partnerships.

Baram vowed to lead with “values-based leadership and professional expertise.”

The event was attended by Baram's predecessor IDF Chief of Staff Lt. Gen. Eyal Zamir, former Defense Ministry directors, senior defense officials and industry leaders.

Baram also took a moment to recognize Zamir for his service as director general during the war and thanked Itamar Graff, who served as acting director general in recent weeks.

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