OpinionIsrael-Palestinian Conflict

Palestinians loathed Hamas’s corrupt Qatar club

There are several reasons why Haniyeh’s death did not lead to massive protests in the West Bank.

Hamas leader in exile Khaled Meshaal (right) and Hamas politburo chief Ismail Haniyeh in the southern Gaza Strip on Dec. 10, 2012. Photo by Abed Rahim Khatib/Flash90.
Hamas leader in exile Khaled Meshaal (right) and Hamas politburo chief Ismail Haniyeh in the southern Gaza Strip on Dec. 10, 2012. Photo by Abed Rahim Khatib/Flash90.
(Twitter)
Khaled Abu Toameh
Khaled Abu Toameh is an award winning Arab and Palestinian Affairs journalist formerly with The Jerusalem Post. He is Senior Distinguished Fellow at the Gatestone Institute and a Fellow of the Jerusalem Center for Public Affairs.

Hamas leaders have every right to be disappointed with West Bank Palestinians for not demonstrating in large numbers to mourn the death of Ismail Haniyeh, the chairman of the terrorist group’s “political bureau.”

Although public opinion polls conducted in recent years have indicated a rise in support for Hamas among West Bank Palestinians, the number of demonstrators who took to the streets to protest against the July 31, 2024, targeting of Haniyeh in Tehran was notably low. Hamas was hoping that the killing would trigger an “earthquake” in the West Bank, as well as in several Arab and Muslim countries. Some Hamas officials had called for a “day of rage” in the West Bank during Friday prayers. 

In Hebron, a longtime bastion of Hamas sympathizers, only a few Palestinians responded to requests to stage a public demonstration over Haniyeh’s death. Some Hamas critics took to social media to mock the poor attendance. Similar small protests were held in Ramallah, Bethlehem, Nablus, Jenin and Tulkarem.

The low turnout does not signify a decline in these Palestinians’ support for Hamas. There are several reasons why Haniyeh’s death did not lead to massive protests in the West Bank.

The killing did not come as a surprise. In fact, it was something many Palestinians expected in the wake of the Hamas-led Oct. 7 attack on Israel. Indeed, news of the death of senior Hamas and Palestinian Islamic Jihad officials has become commonplace among Palestinians, especially over the past 10 months.

Haniyeh was killed in Tehran, the capital of Haniyeh’s Iranian patrons, who staged a massive funeral for the Hamas leader. There is no love for Iran among many Palestinians.

The Palestinian Authority issued warnings to Palestinians in some areas not to fly Hamas flags or use their time of grief to express support for the terror group. It’s true that the P.A. publicly condemned Haniyeh’s assassination and observed a day of mourning, but those actions were merely lip service meant for internal consumption.

Since Oct. 7, the West Bank has experienced extremely dire economic and security conditions, primarily as a result of Israeli authorities forbidding or restricting Palestinian laborers from entering Israel. This is in addition to a massive and unprecedented Israeli security crackdown on armed groups, particularly in the northern West Bank.

According to Palestinian sources, more than 500 Palestinians, mostly gunmen, have been killed by Israeli security forces in the West Bank since Oct. 7. Many Palestinians are, therefore, less inclined to engage in any activity that can worsen the situation.

There is growing recognition that Hamas has forced the Palestinians in Gaza to endure another “nakba” (catastrophe) as a result of its Oct. 7 attack on Israel. For some Palestinians, Haniyeh and the Qatar-based Hamas leaders lived affluent lifestyles abroad while their people in the Gaza Strip were suffering. Others are incensed with the Hamas leaders in the Gaza Strip, including Yahya Sinwar and Mohammed Deif, for wreaking havoc on their people. For these Palestinians, Haniyeh, Khaled Mashaal and other Hamas leaders living in Qatar have already joined the corrupt club of affluent and self-serving officials that, until a few years ago, was reserved for the leadership of the P.A.

Originally published by the Jerusalem Center for Public Affairs.

The opinions and facts presented in this article are those of the author, and neither JNS nor its partners assume any responsibility for them.
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