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Martin Sherman. Credit: Courtesy.

Martin Sherman

Martin Sherman spent seven years in operational capacities in the Israeli defense establishment. He is the founder of the Israel Institute for Strategic Studies (IISS), a member of the Habithonistim-Israel Defense & Security Forum (IDSF) research team, and a participant in the Israel Victory Project.

It seems that if you have sufficient funds, there is no limit to the unmitigated nonsense you can promote in the guise of profound policy-oriented research.
For example, one might well ask why two-staters object so strenuously to the “settlements” and the “settlers”? After all, if genuine two-state peace is possible—as two-staters claim—they could certainly be a welcome source of employment for their Arab neighbors.
Since the start of his presidency, Donald Trump has undertaken some bold, far-reaching measures that have potentially transformed the discourse on the Israeli-Palestinian impasse. These have all been favorable to Israel and undermine long-held Palestinians positions.
The left in Israel is behaving like a person who cannot accept that the object of his love has chosen another in his stead.
So, while I completely concur with her that Israeli sovereignty must be extended from the “River to the Sea,” I call on her to endorse a vigorous program of incentivized emigration (a.k.a. Evacuation – Compensation) for the Arab residents in Judea-Samaria as the only non-“kinetic” policy prescription that can adequately address Israel’s geographic imperative and its demographic one—if it is to endure as the nation state of the Jewish people.
Had the newspaper wanted to give a fair portrayal of my policy proposal, instead of alluding to “Transfer,” the headline would have read “Evacuation-compensation for Arabs: An answer to Israel’s geographic and demographic imperatives.”
From recent reports on planned Israeli responses to events in Gaza, one might be excused for thinking that the late Shimon Peres had returned from the hereafter, reincarnated in the form of the allegedly hawkish Avigdor Lieberman.
Avigdor Lieberman’s appointment as Israeli Defense Minister ignited expectations of a qualitatively different approach to that of his predecessor—one discernibly more robust and resolute. Sadly, this was not to be.
If critics of the Nationality Bill have real concerns for the rights of non-Jewish minorities, the patriotic way to address them would be via a new Basic Law to protect them, not raucously denouncing the bill as “racist.”
In effect, all nationalism entails some form of discrimination because it gives priority to the cultural and national characteristics of one group over those of another.
Israeli security policy is driven by Arab enmity, not Arab ethnicity.
Israel will only be democratic if it is Jewish, and it will only be Jewish if it is Zionist. Therefore, it will only be democratic if it is Zionist—i.e., if it is the nation-state of the Jewish people