This is a happy day for both Israel and Somaliland.
Israel has been a sovereign, internationally recognized state since 1948. Somaliland is not there yet, although it should have been a long time ago. This delay says far more about international hesitation than about Somaliland’s legitimacy.
Israel and Somaliland share several things that are rare and deeply meaningful. First, we understand the value of true friendship. For many nations, allies are assumed. For Israelis—and for Jews, more broadly—this is never taken for granted.
Second, Israel and Somaliland are small minorities surrounded by hostility, striving not only to survive but to thrive. Israel is the world’s only Jewish state and only democracy in a region largely dominated by authoritarian Arab and Muslim regimes. At the same time, Somaliland is a functioning democracy surrounded by non-democracies, fighting daily for its freedom, legitimacy and right to exist as a sovereign nation.
We also share common enemies. The same radical ideologies that seek to destroy Israel threaten stability and progress in Somaliland, as well as across the Horn of Africa. Extremism does not distinguish between Jews in Tel Aviv and democrats in Hargeisa. It opposes pluralism, sovereignty and self-determination wherever they appear.
Israel, therefore, has compelling reasons to be the first nation to recognize Somaliland.
First, building new alliances is not merely an interest for Israel; it is a principle, passion and strategic necessity. The Jewish state understands what it means to be excluded, ignored or sacrificed on the altar of diplomatic convenience.
Second, Israel understands better than most what it means to wait decades for recognition that should have come naturally. Recognition is not a gift; it is an acknowledgment of reality. Like Israel in its early years, Somaliland has built institutions, defended its people, held elections and governed responsibly without the privileges recognition affords.
Recognizing Somaliland would not only be morally right but also strategically wise. It would signal that democracy, stability and self-determination still matter, and would create a partnership between two nations that know the cost of resilience and value of standing together. The State of Israel understands what it means to be “thrown under the bus” of realpolitik—deprived of legitimate rights and blocked from a secure future. We know the cost of diplomatic hesitation dressed up as pragmatism.
Third, there is a very real and growing threat emanating from the region—a threat not only to Israel or Somaliland but to an entire way of life. The Houthis have demonstrated this clearly through their brazen attacks in the Red Sea, disrupting international shipping and undermining global trade. We have also seen ballistic missiles launched from Yemen all the way to Israel. These are not localized threats. They are strategic challenges to regional and global security.
In this context, security cooperation between Israel and Somaliland is not hypothetical but necessary. Such an alliance would help prevent harm to Somaliland itself, while also contributing to the security of Israel and the U.S.-led international order. Somaliland’s geographic location offers a significant strategic advantage, one that can be used to advance the values we share.
Lastly, after learning a great deal about Somaliland and coming to know the country and some of its leaders, including my co-author, I am proud to call Somaliland a new friend of Israel. This is a partnership rooted not only in shared interests, but in shared values, resilience and democratic spirit.
May our two nations thrive—together.
