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An ominous cloud of un-American invective

The resurgence of anti-Israel rhetoric in U.S. discourse reflects deeper and troubling currents in American political culture.

Ana Kasparian speaks onstage during the 2019 Politicon at Music City Center on Oct. 26, 2019 in Nashville, Tennessee. Photo by Jason Kempin/Getty Images for Politicon.
Ana Kasparian speaks onstage during the 2019 Politicon at Music City Center on Oct. 26, 2019 in Nashville, Tennessee. Photo by Jason Kempin/Getty Images for Politicon.
Martin Sherman spent seven years in operational capacities in the Israeli defense establishment. He is the founder of the Israel Institute for Strategic Studies (IISS), a member of the Habithonistim-Israel Defense & Security Forum (IDSF) research team, and a participant in the Israel Victory Project.

“A lot of Americans are embarrassed by the fact that our leadership rarely represents our best interest and seems to prioritize the best interests of Israel in every instance.” — Ana Kasparian

A dark cloud is spreading across America, casting an ominous shadow of malice and mendacity and threatening to expose perilous fault lines in the nation’s socio-political fabric.

One of the more prominent figures driving this trend is media personality Ana Kasparian, a co-host of “The Young Turks,” whose recent commentary on Israel has grown increasingly strident.

In a recent appearance on a podcast by comedian and commentator Bill Maher, Kasparian’s remarks illustrated what critics see as the ignorance and double standards underpinning contemporary anti-Israel rhetoric.

She attempted to belittle the dangers Israelis face from Palestinian stone-throwing, even though more than a dozen Israelis, including toddlers, have been killed in such attacks. She further suggested that Israel’s alleged nuclear capabilities render such threats insignificant—implicitly raising the notion that Israel could “nuke” its adversaries.

At the same time, she dismissed the possibility that Palestinians would ever use nuclear weapons if they possessed them, arguing that doing so would render the land “unlivable”—a claim that raises obvious questions as to why the same logic would not apply to Israel.

When Maher noted that Israel has never used its alleged nuclear capability, while Hamas explicitly calls for Israel’s destruction, Kasparian objected that such assumptions were speculative.

Maher responded by pointing to Hamas’s founding charter, which calls for Israel’s elimination. Similar sentiments have been voiced by other Palestinian leaders. Jibril Rajoub, a senior Fatah official, once declared that if Palestinians “had a nuke, we’d have used it this very morning.”

Under further questioning, Kasparian conceded that she would prefer to live in Israel rather than in many of its regional adversaries, stating that she “would probably feel the most comfortable in Tel Aviv.”

Later, she characterized Israeli military operations in Gaza as “random slaughter,” while disregarding widely cited factors such as Hamas’s use of civilians as human shields and Egypt’s refusal to allow mass civilian evacuation from the combat zone.

Her claims also contrast with assessments by professional military observers. Col. Richard Kemp, former commander of British forces in Afghanistan, has argued that no other army has taken comparable measures to minimize civilian casualties in urban warfare.

Similarly, John Spencer, chairman of urban warfare studies at West Point, has described Israel’s efforts to limit collateral damage as “unprecedented,” calling them the “gold standard” in reducing civilian harm.

In a later appearance on “Piers Morgan Uncensored,” Kasparian declined to condemn the Iranian regime for its crackdown on domestic protests, while questioning widely reported casualty figures.

She also avoided criticizing her co-host, Cenk Uygur, for describing Iran’s slain supreme leader, Ali Khamenei, as “courageous.”

Such claims echo longstanding antisemitic tropes suggesting disproportionate Jewish influence over global affairs. They also raise an obvious question: How could a small country like Israel dictate policy to the world’s most powerful nation?

Portraying the United States as subservient to Israel is not only inaccurate but inherently demeaning to American sovereignty and democratic decision-making.

Kasparian and others have accused Israel of dragging the United States into multiple conflicts, including the current campaign against Iran. Yet such claims run counter to statements by U.S. officials, including President Donald Trump, who cited direct threats posed by Iran to American forces and interests.

Indeed, they run starkly counter to Trump’s March 3 White House address concerning the reasons for American involvement in the war. In response to a question from an ABC correspondent as to whether Netanyahu “pull[ed] the United States into this war, Trump’s blunt riposte was, “If anything, I might have forced Israel’s hand.”

The assertion that Washington is a pliable instrument of Israeli policy is both logically flawed and factually incorrect.

Over the decades, successive U.S. administrations, Democratic and Republican alike, have taken positions opposed by Israel. These include President Dwight Eisenhower’s 1956 demand that Israel withdraw from Sinai; the George H.W. Bush administration’s decision to withhold loan guarantees in 1991; President Barack Obama’s 2015 nuclear agreement with Iran; and the Biden administration’s partial restrictions on arms transfers during the Gaza war.

Such examples undermine any claim that the United States acts under Israeli control.

The broader concern, however, extends beyond any single commentator. The rhetoric described here reflects a wider trend of fact-free and often inflammatory discourse that is not only antisemitic in tone but also corrosive to American political culture.

If left unchecked, it risks deepening divisions and distorting public understanding of both Israel and the United States—an outcome that serves neither country’s interests.

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