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Stop fighting antisemitism like it’s a PR problem

Why conferences, curricula, statements and slogans fail—and what Jews should do instead.

Security camera
Security cameras on a pole in Jaffa, Feb. 3, 2026. Credit: Nati Shohat/Flash90.
Daniel Winston is an American-Israeli therapist and lecturer.

For generations, Jews have been told that antisemitism can be defeated through explanation, education, dialogue and moral appeal. When such hatred surges, the respectable response is almost always the same: Convene a conference, fund an awareness campaign, create a curriculum, issue statements, host interfaith panels and assure everyone that ignorance is the real problem.

This is comforting nonsense.

It flatters elites and activists, sustains institutions and allows anxious communities to feel that something serious is being done. But it rests on a false premise—that it is primarily a misunderstanding.

It is not. At its core, antisemitism is not a problem of insufficient information. It is a hatred—one of the oldest, most adaptive and most psychologically useful in human history.

People don’t cling to bigotry and hatred because they have not yet encountered the right educational brochure. They latch on to it because it offers moral simplification, group bonding, grievance and permission. It explains frustrations, sanctifies resentments and hands people a villain onto whom contradictions and frustrations may be projected.

That is why antisemitism appears in radically different civilizations, ideologies and eras while always remaining recognizable. Pagan empires, Christian kingdoms, nationalist movements, communist regimes, Islamist societies, progressive circles and populist conspiracists all arrive at the Jew by different roads. The costumes change. The utility remains.

The Jew is cast as weak and omnipotent, rootless and clannish, capitalist and communist, alien and controlling, subhuman and dangerously superior. It is a pathology so protean that it cannot be permanently disarmed by messaging because its function is not to describe reality, but to relieve the antisemite of reality.

This is why the professionalized “fight against antisemitism” so often feels like theater. It is theater.

The conference class speaks as though Jew-hatred were merely a social bug in an otherwise healthy moral order. Bring in the experts. Publish the white paper. Train the students and faculty. Increase awareness. Draft a framework. Launch a coalition.

Meanwhile, synagogues need bollards, schools need armed guards and Jews need to remove mezuzahs from doorposts in major Western cities. Jewish students learn that administrators who can instantly mobilize for every fashionable grievance suddenly become confused and helpless when Jews are harassed.

The mismatch is glaring. While the threat is physical, cultural and civilizational, the response is symbolic.

Education has its place. Historical knowledge matters. But education is not a shield. Awareness is not deterrence. Naming hatred is not the same as stopping the hater.

What works instead? Situational awareness works. Hardened security works. Trained self-defense works. Lawful civilian preparedness works. Serious policing works. Clear and unwavering consequences work. Unapologetic exercise of national sovereignty works. The visible capacity and will to fight back work.

This is not cynicism. It is adulthood.

You don’t protect children by holding a webinar. You protect them by securing entrances, vetting threats, training staff, coordinating with law enforcement, monitoring hostile patterns and ensuring that those inclined toward violence know that their actions will be met with a clear and muscular response before, during and after their vile excesses.

Jews in the Diaspora have too often been encouraged to outsource their survival to the goodwill of societies that are, at best, inconsistent and, at worst, decomposing. They are told to trust institutions that often cannot define the threat clearly because those institutions are themselves captured by ideological fashions that excuse, sanitize or metabolize antisemitism.

This, too, is fantasy.

The deeper error is philosophical. The anti-antisemitism industry often assumes that the highest Jewish aspiration is to be accepted. But Jewish survival has never depended chiefly on acceptance. It has depended on clarity, cohesion, memory, strength and the refusal to surrender reality to those who hate us.

Not every enemy wants to be persuaded. Some want domination. Some want humiliation. Some want exclusion. Some want blood. The mature response begins by abandoning the sentimental belief that all hostility is merely wounded confusion awaiting therapeutic engagement.

A society may be educated and still hate Jews. Some of the most educated societies in history produced the most sophisticated forms of Jew-hatred. Education often refines evil more than it restrains it. The medieval blood libel becomes the modern human-rights indictment. The old religious demonization becomes moralized political accusation. The instinct is ancient, and the language is updated; the glandularity of the hate, however, remains eternal.

So yes, teach history. Yes, expose lies. Yes, answer slander where necessary. But stop pretending this is the front line.

The front line is moral and historical clarity backed by security, vigilance, communal seriousness and Jewish power.

That is why aliyah deserves to be spoken of more candidly. Jews in the West are often told that moving to Israel is a religious, romantic or ideological choice. For many, it is becoming the most rational Jewish decision available.

Israel is not free of antisemitism. It sits in a region saturated with it. But there, the matter is clearer, and the Jew is not an exposed minority begging others to take his fear seriously. In Israel, you are home—among family, under a Jewish calendar, speaking Hebrew, and, perhaps most of all, protected by a state, police and army that are your own.

The age of begging the world to attend one more conference on why Jews deserve to live should come to an end. Antisemitism is not mainly defeated in lecture halls. It is contained by strength, deterred by readiness and punished by power.

What avails is vigilance, communal muscular-mindedness and the willingness to defend Jewish life in practice, not merely celebrate it in theory. And for many Jews, what avails most of all is coming home.

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