For the better part of the past decade-and-a-half, Israel haters have pointed to Jeffrey Epstein being Jewish and his ties to Ehud Barak, a former Israeli prime minister and defense minister. They claimed that the link served as “proof” that Epstein worked for the Mossad.
Now, however, the Epstein documents released by the U.S. Department of Justice reveal something different. Far from working for the Mossad, Epstein collaborated with Barak to overthrow the current prime minister of Israel, who commands the Mossad. Epstein was not an agent of Israel. Israel was his target. And as the report below shows, Barak was not his handler. He was one of Epstein’s partners—his crony, his financial beneficiary and his client for political advice and personal support, as well as for perks for family and friends.
The material indicates that Barak’s ties to Epstein predated Epstein’s 2008 conviction for soliciting minors and continued during and after his imprisonment, ending only with Epstein’s death in 2019. At a minimum, the relationship appears not to have been affected by Epstein’s criminal conduct, as business and political cooperation continued over the years.
Beyond the personal dimension, the documents suggest that the relationship intersected with Israeli public life through joint ventures, funding channels and political initiatives connected to Barak’s return to politics in recent years.
Below is a partial overview of the business and organizational links cited in the documents and related reporting.
Wexner Foundation payments
In 2020, Israel’s Likud Party petitioned the country’s High Court of Justice to order a criminal probe into payments totaling $2.3 million that Barak received from the Wexner Foundation between 2004 and 2006. The foundation described the payments as compensation for research, though neither side detailed the work.
At the time, the court rejected the petition after the foundation’s attorney asserted that Epstein had no involvement in the payments.
According to the newly released correspondence, however, Epstein personally approved the transfer after internal deliberations within the foundation. Emails show that Barak had agreed to write two books, but ultimately delivered only one, citing his return to politics. The request for full payment was forwarded to Epstein’s attorney and then to Epstein, who authorized the transfer.
The correspondence raises legal questions because U.S. law restricts philanthropic foundations from funding political activity or for-profit projects. The emails indicate Barak discussed the commercial value of the book and abandoned the project to reenter politics during the same period.
Business entities and financial activity
A 2008 report by Israeli State Comptroller Micha Lindenstrauss criticized Barak for failing to properly suspend his companies upon becoming defense minister. Investigative reporting later found millions of shekels transferred to the companies during his tenure.
Epstein’s contact book lists Barak as connected to the U.S.-registered Barak and Associates LLC.
Weeks before Epstein entered prison in 2008, he visited Israel and toured IDF bases with approval from Barak’s office. One day earlier, Barak had dissolved his U.S. company.
After leaving government in 2013, Barak established several companies, including ERGO. U.S. Virgin Islands prosecutors later listed ERGO among entities linked to Epstein’s financial network, suggesting overlapping business activity.
In 2015, Barak-linked entities and Epstein’s Southern Trust invested in the Israeli emergency communications company Reporty (later Carbyne). Epstein associate Nicole Junkermann also invested.
The company was sold in 2025 to the American technology firm Axon for $625 million.
Emails cited in the documents show communication between company leadership, Barak and Epstein regarding international contacts, including a Qatari businessman.
Political activity and personal assistance
According to the documents, Epstein financed initiatives connected to Barak’s political comeback, including the nonprofit “Achrayut Leumit” (“National Responsibility”). The group later supported protest movements such as Black Flags, later renamed Kaplan Force.
Correspondence shows Barak requested funding from Epstein in 2017, describing it as necessary for “saving the Jewish state.”
The relationship extended into personal matters. Correspondence reportedly includes requests from Barak and family members for assistance with academic placements, medical treatment, artistic projects and use of Epstein properties. Some communications continued while Epstein was incarcerated.
The cumulative picture emerging from the newly disclosed materials contradicts repeated claims that the relationship was limited or casual. Instead, the documents portray a sustained network of financial, political and personal cooperation lasting more than a decade and intersecting with Israeli public life at multiple levels.
Whether these revelations carry legal consequences remains to be seen. Politically, however, they reopen longstanding questions about transparency, judgment and accountability at the highest levels of Israeli leadership.
