The pattern has become ritualized.
U.S. President Donald Trump schedules a meeting with Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu, and almost on cue, Barak Ravid—global-affairs correspondent for Axios, analyst for CNN and Washington reporter for Israel’s Channel 12—publishes a piece warning of tension, irritation or impending estrangement between the two leaders.
Anonymous “senior officials” populate the story, according to which the American administration’s patience is wearing thin with the Netanyahu-led government.
Here’s the thing, though. Since his return to office in January, Trump has met with Netanyahu more than any other world leader—six times so far, five in the United States and one in Israel. And at no point has Ravid’s ominous prelude materialized.
Indeed, the meetings themselves have told a different story from that which Ravid insists on writing. They’ve been lengthy, substantive and notably cordial. Over the course of the year, Trump has repeatedly emphasized the importance of Israeli prowess, crediting Netanyahu with guiding Israel through existential peril—hardly the language of a president preparing to cut an ally loose.
Nevertheless, every gloomy forecast Ravid conveys is recycled by Israel’s “anybody but Bibi” ecosystem, whose politicians, pundits and protest leaders seize on his false prophecies as proof that Netanyahu has finally alienated Washington. The summit at Mar-a-Lago on Dec. 29 is the most recent example of this fruitless pursuit born of wishful thinking rather than reality.
In the days leading up to the arrival of Netanyahu’s entourage in Palm Beach, Ravid reported for Axios that the meeting would be “crucial,” hinting at deep frustration within the Trump administration over the situation in Gaza, among other issues. The expectation—widely echoed in Israeli commentary—was that a frosty encounter awaited Netanyahu at the Southeast Florida resort.
As usual, the opposite happened. Trump not only welcomed Netanyahu with a warm embrace but praised the Israeli premier as the greatest war-time leader, going as far as to say that without such a prime minister, Israel would have been finished.
He also stated that Jerusalem has been upholding every clause of his plan; has openly threatened Hamas and the Iranian regime; and has stressed the strength of the U.S.-Israel alliance.
Ravid pulled the same stunt when Netanyahu visited the White House on Sept. 29, warning that the prime minister faced intense pressure and risked a rupture if he failed to comply with Trump’s Gaza plan. He described administration officials as bewildered and impatient.
Hours after his report, Trump and Netanyahu appeared together, projecting strategic alignment. No public reprimand from the U.S. president. No visible distance. Ravid’s dire forecast instantly dissolved, along with a round of embarrassed recalibration among Netanyahu’s domestic critics.
Ahead of Netanyahu’s visit on July 8-9, too, Ravid claimed that Trump was eager to see the war “wrapped up,” feeding the fantasy that Bibi had become a liability.
Ditto for Netanyahu’s second meeting with Trump at the White House on April 7, where the two discussed Gaza, potential U.S. tariffs on Israeli goods, Iran and the broader Middle East.
Then, as well, there were bogus reports by Ravid and other Netanyahu detractors of strained relations with Washington. Thanks to Bibi, of course. After all, the usual unnamed officials said so.
Never mind that Netanyahu was the first foreign leader to receive an invitation to the White House, shortly after Trump’s (second-term) inauguration. That meeting, which signaled to the world that the United States under the current administration considers Israel to be its most important ally, took place on Feb. 4.
Ravid only departed from his typical practice of relying on unverifiable sources ahead of Trump’s October visit to Israel. It was a rare case of a quote directly from Trump himself, who told Axios that he was “likely going to Israel in the coming days to address the Knesset,” following a “great” phone call with Netanyahu about the Gaza agreement and the release of hostages.
Maybe all of Ravid’s faceless experts were unavailable for comment. Not to worry, however. Where there’s a will for a rift, Ravid will find a way to fabricate one.
The sole question is why anyone bothers believing a word he writes.
