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Netanyahu’s insistence offers a clear hint of what lies ahead

For now, events in the Gulf are being treated as “foreign news,” with Israelis chiefly concerned about the impact on flights, but that appears likely to change soon.

Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu attends a vote at the plenum hall of the Knesset in Jerusalem on July 16, 2026. Credit: Yonatan Sindel/Flash90.
Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu attends a vote at the plenum hall of the Knesset in Jerusalem on July 16, 2026. Credit: Yonatan Sindel/Flash90.
Amit Segal is an Israeli journalist, radio and television personality. He serves as the political commentator of Israel’s Channel 12 news (N12 News company) and anchors Israel’s highly watched “Meet the Press” show on Channel 12.

“Call us when you’re serious,” U.S. Secretary of State James Baker told the late Israeli Prime Minister Yitzhak Shamir in the early 1990s.

Under the current Republican administration, with the current Likud prime minister, Washington is still answering the phone. Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu and U.S. President Donald Trump are speaking, although no longer every day.

Something has been amiss in relations between the White House and the Prime Minister’s Office since the war with Iran became more complicated. The president’s inner circle is smaller and more closed than in previous administrations, and gaining access to it has become increasingly difficult. The Americans are making it clear to the Israelis that they are running the war and that everything is fine, thank you very much. But it is evident to everyone that Israel is moving into the back seat.

As a seasoned politician, Netanyahu presumably knows how to recognize deliberate distancing. One example came when Vice President JD Vance said, “Israel’s standing in America is not good, and I don’t think anyone can dispute that.” Last week, Vance had already made clear that he occupied the “sensible center,” between those who see Israel as a problem and those who see it as an asset. That is interesting, but the president’s silence is even more so.

And then there is Saudi Arabia. This week, Trump granted the kingdom the civilian nuclear program it had long sought, contrary to Israel’s position and without the broader package deal Israel had wanted. Former President Joe Biden held up a similar move in an effort to link that incentive to the Abraham Accords. His successor went ahead without tying the two together. Lindsey Graham must surely be turning in his grave.

This is already the second time that has happened. After all, lifting the sanctions on Syria also eliminated the possibility of securing a peace agreement with Israel. And all this is unfolding while the departure of Wing of Zion, Israel’s official aircraft for the prime minister and president, is delayed again and again.

The situation also has implications for the election.

I once heard a campaign strategist say that as far as Israelis are concerned, everything happening in the Middle East is foreign news until missiles begin landing here.

Strangely enough, that is what is happening now: The United States is attacking Iran, Jordan is being bombarded along with every Gulf state, yet Israel’s public agenda is focused on July and August vacations and the Haredim. The main way the fighting is being felt is in the question of whether aircraft refueling at Ben-Gurion International Airport will lead to flight cancellations.

A security-focused public agenda is known to benefit Likud, while a civilian agenda hurts it. But the indifferent shrugging probably stems from the understanding that Israel is currently in a relatively passive position.

All that, one may assume, is about to change. Netanyahu did not insist for nothing on retaining the option of canceling the Likud primaries in the event of security incidents. Anyone paying attention understands that his insistence was no accident, and that the provision will not remain theoretical.

This article was originally published by Israel Hayom.

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