In an exit interview with The Times of Israel, U.S. Ambassador to Israel Jack Lew made several incredible statements, including one that essentially blamed Israel for President Joe Biden’s failure to win re-election. Lew’s comments align with the dismissive tone of his boss, U.S. Secretary of State Antony Blinken, whose interview with The New York Times was aptly titled, “Antony Blinken Insists He and Biden Made the Right Calls,” reflecting the administration’s arrogance.
Lew made this astounding claim: “Standing with Israel for these past 15 months, with huge opposition in the media, in parts of his own party, you could argue that it contributed to making his challenge for re-election insurmountable.”
This was reminiscent of Jimmy Carter, who blamed the Jews for his defeat. It was, therefore, fitting that Lew’s interview coincided with Carter being eulogized; the 39th president died on Dec. 29. If Lew were not a pro-Israel Orthodox Jew, you would think an antisemite made the comment. It was equally astounding that his interviewer did not push back with the facts that the war in Gaza did not make Biden appear mentally incompetent in his debate with Donald Trump last summer, cause the flood of immigrants across the border, raise prices for Americans buying groceries and seeking mortgages, or convince people their country had become unsafe. Biden’s approval rating months before the war was an anemic 37% and only marginally improved—to 39%—in the year after Oct. 7.
Lew wanted Biden to get credit for the humanitarian assistance to Palestinians in Gaza and for avoiding famine when it was his policy that put civilians in the dire situation they are in today and the pressure on Israel to increase aid that has helped Hamas survive. Recall that less than three weeks after the war began, Biden boasted that he and the Egyptian president agreed to ensure that “Palestinians in Gaza are not displaced to Egypt or any other nation.” This was a death sentence for tens of thousands.
Lew was disappointed Israel did not have better PR. Instead of talking tough to send a message to Hamas, Hezbollah and Iran, he believed that Israel should have publicly explained the “measured decisions being made.” Then he admitted, “Not that there’d be a big acceptance of the scope of the war if it were described the way I’m suggesting.”
Like a good spin doctor, Lew asks us not to believe our eyes. He denied Biden exerted pressure on Israel and then took credit for Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu acceding to it. In the case of the operation in Rafah, in the southernmost part of the Gaza Strip, he said: “It was done in a way that limited or really eliminated the friction between the United States and Israel, but also led to a much better outcome.”
Biden, however, warned Netanyahu against going into Rafah. The United States insisted that Israel could not evacuate civilians and destroy the Hamas stronghold. Israel did both, but the operation was delayed by the administration’s coercion, which likely cost hostage lives and prolonged the war.
Lew says nothing about the micromanagement of the war, which included dictating what the Israel Defense Forces could not target, such as Lebanese infrastructure, and Iranian nuclear and energy facilities. Furthermore, Israel was repeatedly criticized for actions that the U.S. military would never dare take, notably putting the lives of civilians ahead of those of soldiers and providing aid to its enemies. Lew said, “I don’t think that the message that was delivered by the United States reflected an unrealistic understanding of urban warfare. We have done urban warfare.”
True, but the United States never faced an enemy operating from inside miles of tunnels, mosques, schools and U.N. facilities embedded in the civilian population. Lew’s attitude reflects those of the Arabists who believe that they know what is best for Israel.
Lew stated, “It can’t be an unrealistic goal to feed people so that starvation doesn’t become a source of casualties, and that medical care is not available,” and then acknowledged he worked with Israel to satisfy the objective. He omitted that the U.S. tried to accomplish this feat with its floating pier, which turned into a $250 million boondoggle that had to be abandoned after feeding almost no one.
He said the White House gave Israel all the weapons it asked for except for 2,000-pound bombs; still, he doesn’t mention how his boss sought to cut all military aid to Israel or how the decision may have prevented the IDF from accomplishing its mission in a timely manner. He also neglected the instances where deliveries were slowed.
Unlike journalists in Gaza who have blinders regarding facts in front of their faces, Lew recognized what took place in Kamal Adwan Hospital. “It has not been the resistance of a few isolated fighters. It has been a fierce battle. It was clear that there were significant Hamas fighters embedded there, with various kinds of assets, both in terms of communication and fighting.”
After acknowledging that Israel is fighting in schools and hospitals that ceased to function as anything but battlefields, he said: “We are probably the only country in the world now that gives Israel the benefit of the doubt.”
This is a curious statement, given the numerous times Washington publicly chastised Israel, such as Biden calling Israel’s response in Gaza “over the top” and Blinken suggesting “Israel acted in ways that are not consistent with international humanitarian law.”
Speaking of his superior, Blinken admitted in his interview that one of the major impediments to a hostage deal was tension with Israel. “Whenever there has been public daylight between the United States and Israel, and the perception that pressure was growing on Israel, we’ve seen it,” he said. “Hamas has pulled back from agreeing to a ceasefire and the release of hostages.”
According to Lew, there were only “a couple of instances where we had public issues,” and he blamed Israel for exaggerating them. The threats by Blinken to withhold arms were no small private issue blown out of proportion by Israel. The same is true of the administration’s decision to sanction Israeli settlers. When Biden criticized Israel’s conduct of the war in his State of the Union address, it was not a minor issue handled in private. When he said that Netanyahu “hurts Israel more than he helps Israel,” the president didn’t just create daylight in the relationship; he cast a shadow over it.
The ambassador had a legitimate concern about “generational memory” in the United States, where fewer people remember formative historical events as recent as the intifada. “It starts with this war,” he observed, “and you can’t ignore the impact of this war on future policymakers—not the people making the decisions today, but the people who are 25, 35, 45 today and who will be the leaders for the next 30 years, 40 years.”
He is right to sound the alarm. Given this hosanna for Biden, it was too much to expect that he would also acknowledge the growing shift within the Democratic Party, which has become increasingly critical of Israel. This is in part due to the president’s policies and the party’s tolerance of antisemitism within party ranks. Lew’s comments misplace blame and make Israel the scapegoat for an administration unwilling to confront its own failures.