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Ben Cohen. Credit: Courtesy.

Ben Cohen

Featured Columnist

Ben Cohen is a senior analyst with the Foundation for the Defense of Democracies (FDD) and director of FDD’s rapid response outreach, specializing in global antisemitism, anti-Zionism and Middle East/European Union relations. A London-born journalist with 30 years of experience, he previously worked for BBC World and has contributed to Commentary, The Wall Street Journal, Tablet and Congressional Quarterly. He was a senior correspondent at The Algemeiner for more than a decade and is a weekly columnist for JNS. Cohen has reported from conflict zones worldwide and held leadership roles at the Anti-Defamation League and the American Jewish Committee. His books include Some of My Best Friends: A Journey Through 21st Century Antisemitism.

Ilhan Omar is not the first U.S. legislator to have trafficked in this image, which is rooted in the anti-Semitic idea that Jewish power is, by definition, financially driven, tribal in interest and ruthless in the effects that it has upon non-Jews.
The correct observation that the situation in the Crown Heights neighborhood of Brooklyn, N.Y., is an exception, and not the rule, for most American Jews shouldn’t lead us to complacency.
Disturbing confirmation that opinion in Europe about “the Jews” and their troubles is much more divided than one might have hoped.
From his vantage point, the time between now and the March 29 decision deadline is one hell of a long time—a whole nine weeks, more or less, in which he will be under enormous pressure to declare precisely where he stands.
In a harbinger of what was to come, under Hugo Chávez, Venezuela’s Jewish community of 20,000 shrank to less than 7,000, harassed out of their homeland by the anti-Semitic, “anti-imperialist” rhetoric of a regime that presided over the community’s economic immiseration at the same time.
Even if we assume Iran is presently retreating, it’s not going to do so quietly. And once the United States is out of the way, it is quite conceivable that the surge of power that Tehran has enjoyed over the past decade will be reinvigorated.
Is the Holocaust, it is often asked, any more important than other demonstrations of inhumanity in the world? And what of the co-opting of its messages for political purposes?
He was one of the first serious, recognizable musical artists to endorse BDS, a position he has since maintained with an obsessive dogmatism that it is utterly at odds with his approach to music.
The U.S. secretary of state’s remarks were a strange fusion of conservative realism and radical imagineering. For example, there were no calls for “regime change” in either Iran or North Korea, merely toughly worded demands for their existing regimes to reform their behavior internationally.
Seven decades after the Holocaust and the creation of the State of Israel, the anti-Semitism that has been shaped since the turn of this century—nearly all of it recycled from previous manifestations of Jew-hatred—is at a new height of confidence.
Given the documented evidence of ISIS crimes against the Yazidis and the specific wording used by the United Nations, to argue that the international body does not consider this to be a genocide is to raise pedantry and diplomatic caution above principle.
Russia does not make movies for the sake of art, but for the sake of politics.