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The deadly illusion of ‘quiet’ in Lebanon

Israel should not be asked to endure Hezbollah’s military presence merely to placate diplomats.

Israeli soldiers from the 769th Brigade operate in Southern Lebanon. Credit: IDF.
Israeli soldiers from the 769th Brigade operate in Southern Lebanon. Credit: IDF.
Stephen M. Flatow is president of the Religious Zionists of America. He is the father of Alisa Flatow, who was murdered in an Iranian-sponsored Palestinian terrorist attack in 1995, and author of A Father’s Story: My Fight for Justice Against Iranian Terror. (The RZA is not affiliated with any American or Israeli political party.)

For decades, the world has urged Israel to accept “quiet” along its northern border. Not peace. Not the disarmament of Hezbollah. Not Lebanese sovereignty restored. Not an end to Iran’s terrorist foothold on Israel’s doorstep.

Just quiet.

But in Lebanon, “quiet” has never translated into safety. It has meant Hezbollah entrenching itself, stockpiling rockets, importing Iranian weapons, upgrading its drones and missiles, and embedding among civilians—all in preparation for future conflict.

So when Israel acts in Lebanon, the question is not “Why escalate?” but rather, “How many times are Israelis expected to endure ‘quiet’ while Hezbollah prepares war?”

Israel’s troubles there didn’t start recently. In the 1970s and ’80s, Palestinian terrorists launched attacks from Southern Lebanon into northern Israel. Israel entered Lebanon in 1982 to stop those attacks.

Out of Lebanon’s civil war—and with the backing of Iran’s Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps—rose Hezbollah. From day one, Hezbollah was not a Lebanese political party, but an Iranian proxy army dedicated to Israel’s destruction and Tehran’s regional goals.

Then came Israel’s full withdrawal in 2000. The United Nations confirmed that Israel had left Lebanese territory. Any claim that Hezbollah fought to end Israel’s “occupation” should have ended that day.

But Hezbollah didn’t disarm or integrate into Lebanese politics. Instead, it manufactured new excuses—Shebaa Farms, so-called resistance, Jerusalem—because without Israel as an enemy, its independent armed force would lose purpose. The world chose to ignore this.

Beirut cannot be both Lebanon’s capital and Hezbollah’s war headquarters.

In 2006, Hezbollah crossed into Israel, where it killed and kidnapped soldiers, sparking the Second Lebanon War. The U.N. Security Council responded with Resolution 1701 to keep Hezbollah away from the border and restore Lebanese state authority over the south.

That promise went unfulfilled. Hezbollah rebuilt openly. Its arsenal mushroomed into a massive force capable of striking all of Israel. They acquired drones, anti-tank missiles, precision-guided weaponry and robust command structures, effectively becoming an Iranian-equipped army inside Lebanon.

No one should underestimate Hezbollah’s power.

Hezbollah is far from a local gang or minor nuisance. It is a terrorist army embedded in a sovereign state with the capacity to strike civilian and strategic targets across Israel.

For years, its operatives tested borders with rockets, drones, tunnels and provocations. Each flare-up was met with calls for calm and diplomatic resets. Calm, however, was not security.

After Oct. 7, Hezbollah openly fired on Israel’s north in support of Hamas’s attacks. Tens of thousands of Israelis fled their homes. Northern communities became ghost towns.

What nation would accept that? Would the U.S. tolerate Iranian-backed missiles hitting Des Moines or San Diego? Would France or Britain accept foreign-backed militias forcing border town evacuations?

Of course not.

Yet Israel is again pressured to show restraint, avoid escalation and trust diplomats promising a “framework” for another round of quiet.

This is where U.S. Secretary of State Marco Rubio’s reported stance is deeply concerning. According to a June 1 report in The Jerusalem Post, the United States says Israel should not accept ongoing attacks, but also expects Israel to avoid escalating its operations in Beirut if Hezbollah stops firing. That sounds reasonable only if one forgets four decades of history.

The problem isn’t just Hezbollah’s firing; it is Hezbollah’s very existence as an Iranian-armed army within Lebanon. This army controls Lebanese civilians’ fate and drags Lebanon into war at will.

A ceasefire that leaves Hezbollah’s military intact is no solution. It is merely a pause.

This “quiet for quiet” approach has failed repeatedly. Hezbollah stops shooting temporarily. Israel is pressured politically. Diplomatic celebrations follow. The displaced suffer. Then Hezbollah rearms and waits for the next round.

This is not strategy. It is wishful thinking disguised as diplomacy.

The world may desire quiet, but Israelis require security.

American policy’s true test is whether it allows Israeli families to live safely in their northern homes—not only if it manages a week of relative quiet.

If Washington wants de-escalation, then it should place responsibility where it belongs: on Hezbollah, Iran and the Lebanese government that permits armed militias beyond its control. Israel should not be asked to endure Hezbollah’s military presence merely to placate diplomats.

Lebanon deserves better. Its people have suffered for decades under an Iranian proxy that hijacks their sovereignty. Beirut cannot be both Lebanon’s capital and Hezbollah’s war headquarters.

The international community’s habit of managing Hezbollah, rather than defeating it, has failed—after 2000, 2006, under UN Watch and after Oct. 7.

Israel did not invade Lebanon seeking a new front. It entered because Hezbollah made life in Israel’s north unbearable and because “quiet” became surrender to Iran’s agenda.

The world may desire quiet, but Israelis require security. Quiet is a temporary ceasefire that bureaucrats applaud. Security is the peace parents need when they lay their children to sleep in Metulla or Kiryat Shmona.

After four decades of Hezbollah’s threats and assaults, Israel is right to declare that the era of temporary quiet is over.

If the United States truly stands with Israel, it must never ask less.

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