Steve Witkoff, U.S. President Donald Trump’s special envoy to the Middle East, confused some regional watchers last week when he slammed Israel for “prolonging” its war with Hamas in Gaza. In a meeting with hostages’ families, Witkoff reportedly said America “wants to return the hostages, but Israel is not ready to end the war … .”
While the United States has consistently encouraged Israel in its fight to defeat Hamas, Witkoff’s comment seemed off-key, even off-putting to some Israeli politicians. Did he mean to signal daylight between the allies, or was this merely a tactic in his backroom negotiations?
Many supporters of Israel were buoyed when Trump took office, as he immediately lifted Biden-era restrictions on Israel’s war in Gaza and called for Israel to resoundingly defeat and disarm Hamas. Trump also stated forcefully that Iran will never have nuclear weapons, and that the United States would take all necessary steps to stop Houthi attacks on global shipping. But recently, Trump has taken actions that some Israeli leaders and supporters of Israel found dismaying.
Indeed, Trump seemed to snub Israel by leaving it out of recent negotiations with Hamas and Iran, making a unilateral deal that the Houthis would stop attacking commercial ships, with no mention of ceasing attacks on Israel, and choosing not to visit Israel on last week’s high-profile Middle East trip.
Israel has tough decisions ahead: How can it maintain trust with the United States, its strongest ally, while suffering the stings of seemingly insulting diplomatic treatment by Trump? How can it prosecute the Gaza war so Hamas is defeated thoroughly, while the United States negotiates a deal that may leave Hamas alive to fight another day? How, if the United States allows Iran to freeze, but not dismantle, its nuclear weapons industry, can Israel fulfill its proclaimed mission to destroy its nuclear capability? How should Israel respond if the Houthis stop attacking Western shipping but continue attacking the Jewish state?
If Israel’s past diplomatic strategy is any indicator, the answer is to continue treating the United States as a strong friend, cultivating the relationship assiduously. In addition, Israel will, while wisely honoring Trump for his prodigious support, firmly and confidently exercise its right as a sovereign country to act in its own best interests.
When the Biden administration swung wildly from support of Israel to cutting off military supplies and vetoing Israel’s military campaigns, Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu had to navigate similar uncertain currents. Likewise, Israel cannot expect Trump, of all people, to behave predictably or even “consistently.” Fortunately, Netanyahu has proven skills for handling diplomatic vicissitudes, such as those of this administration, particularly given the surpassing benefits Trump has delivered to Israel.
In short, Israel’s smartest course will be to express gratitude and humble respect for the United States, but also stand tall and make independent decisions about its existential interests, despite the risk they may annoy the volatile Trump, as they often did Team Biden.
Trump has confounded Israel on several fronts. Though the president has repeatedly threatened military action against Iran’s nuclear program, The New York Times revealed that he prevented Israel from striking it. Trump denied this, saying, “I didn’t stop them (Israel). But I didn’t make it comfortable for them, because I think we can make a deal without the attack.” Trump also conducted direct ceasefire talks with Hamas and the Houthis without Israeli involvement.
While some pundits and politicians saw these actions as betrayals of Israel, they are rather unsurprising examples of rough-and-tumble global politics from a free-wheeling, unpredictable United States president. Furthermore, as the leader of the world’s most powerful country, Trump has every right to negotiate U.S. interests at will. It’s not America’s job, for example, to stop the Houthis from attacking Israel.
Israel and Trump agree on Gaza. Trump worries that Israel’s continued military activity in Gaza is undermining his post-war plans, while Israel is concerned that Trump will cut a deal with Hamas that won’t disarm them, allowing a return to pre-Oct. 7 conditions, in which Hamas remains a heavily armed, violent force on Israel’s border.
But so far, Trump shows no indication that he has abandoned the goals he shares with Israel: liberating all of the remaining hostages, removing Hamas from power and demilitarizing Gaza. He believes these goals can be achieved diplomatically. If diplomacy fails, Israel has promised to launch an offensive to take control of Gaza and quash Hamas.
Israel and Trump agree: No nuclear weapons for Iran. Upon taking office, Trump implemented his “maximum pressure” policy—sanctions designed to cripple Iran sufficiently that its economy and the Islamic Regime collapse. Even as he negotiates with the mullahs, he continues implementing new sanctions to further constrict Iran. Last week, for example, Trump imposed sanctions on individuals and entities that the U.S. Treasury Department said were helping Iran with its ballistic-missile program.
If, however, Trump does reach a deal with the Iranians that fails to prevent them from obtaining nuclear weapons, Israel seems prepared to act alone. Indeed, Netanyahu has asserted, “One way or the other, Iran will not have nuclear weapons.”
Israel can defend itself against the Houthis. Trump made the deal with the Houthis by which they agreed to halt their attacks on international shipping, because it was in America’s interests to do so, not to spite Israel. Trump knows that Israel is perfectly capable of defending itself, thanks in part to U.S. arms he helped supply. Moreover, the president has not indicated that he will oppose whatever actions Israel takes to defend itself against the Houthis.
Israel has no greater friend than America, and America has no greater friend than Israel. Nevertheless, Israel and the United States are sovereign countries. Trump has the right to put “America first,” while Israel has the right to prioritize its interests. That disagreements may arise between the two nations doesn’t foreclose continued mutual respect and support. Even the best of friends can disagree and still cooperate.
Israel can maintain its alliance with the United States while still protecting its interests. Certainly, Israel should express appropriate appreciation for America’s and Trump’s support, but it should also be prepared—and expected—to act alone, even if doing so occasionally miffs Washington.
Originally published by Facts and Logic About the Middle East (FLAME).