OpinionMiddle East

While critics panic, Trump delivers in the Middle East

Let’s trust the process, knowing that Washington and Jerusalem have similar strategic interests.

The aircraft carrier “USS Dwight D. Eisenhower” and the amphibious assault ship “USS Wasp” steam in formation in the Mediterranean Sea, June 30, 2024. Credit: Mass Communication Specialist 2nd Class Merissa Daley/U.S. Navy Photo.
The aircraft carrier “USS Dwight D. Eisenhower” and the amphibious assault ship “USS Wasp” steam in formation in the Mediterranean Sea, June 30, 2024. Credit: Mass Communication Specialist 2nd Class Merissa Daley/U.S. Navy Photo.
Gabe Groisman. Credit: Courtesy.
Gabe Groisman
Gabe Groisman is an attorney, government affairs consultant and founder of Groisman, LLC. He is the former mayor of Bal Harbour, Fla., and host of the podcast “Standpoint with Gabe Groisman.”

Commentary is swirling in policy circles and media outlets about President Donald Trump’s latest moves in the Middle East. Is Trump going to let Iran have nuclear weapons? Is he abandoning Israel on Saudi Arabia? Did Trump leave Israel out to dry with the Houthis? Some questions are earnest, some show a gross misunderstanding of the president’s foreign-policy strategy, and others are simply Democrats and “Never Trumpers” waiting for their gotcha moment. It’s not hard to tell which is which. But rather than being dismissive of the comments, I am always glad to have the discussion. So, let’s do just that.

Let’s start with Iran. No one, outside of a select few, actually knows the status of America’s discussions with Iran. A fair look at most, if not all, of the commentary on the potential Iran deal is laden with conjecture. Critics insist Trump is preparing to sign a Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action (JCPOA) 2.0 that all but greenlights an Iranian bomb. Those of us who support the president are certain that this could never be the case. Let’s look at the facts. Last week, Trump said: “I would much prefer a strong, verified deal where we actually blow them up … or just de-nuke them … . There are only two alternatives there: Blow them up nicely or blow them up viciously.”

Trump’s position on Iran has been clear: He has stated that he will not allow Iran to have a nuclear weapon. The question that remains open from the facts available to the public is whether or not Iran should be permitted in any deal to enrich uranium for a supposed “civil” nuclear program. This is a fair question, as even when asked, Trump has said: “We have not made that decision yet.”

To be clear, Iran cannot have a nuclear program. What the world has learned from the previous dealings with the Islamic Republic is that it will break any deal that it makes. As such, their nuclear program must be dismantled entirely. This is critical for U.S. national security interests, as Iran has continuously touted a “Death to America” strategy, ordered the assassination of Trump and has been pursuing long-range missile capabilities to reach the shores of America. Here, the national security interests of the United States and Israel are identical. To keep America and Israel safe, Iran must be permanently denied both nuclear weapons and enrichment capabilities.

Next, many have asked why Trump has reached an agreement of sorts with the Houthis without including Israel in that deal. Let’s rewind a bit. As the Israelis surely remember, the Iranian-backed Houthis began launching attacks in October 2023, shortly after the Oct. 7 Hamas-led terrorist attacks. And they haven’t stopped. Earlier this month, a Houthi missile landed near Ben-Gurion International Airport. Jerusalem has been responding in kind, although many wish Israel would take more decisive action.

In early 2024, the Houthis began attacking the shipping lines in the Red Sea and the Bab el-Mandeb Strait, interrupting global commerce. This is Iran’s way of getting the world’s attention. And, it worked. The United States and the United Kingdom responded, rather weakly, under former President Joe Biden, by mostly attacking the launch sites of the Houthi missiles in Yemen. When Trump came to office, the Houthis (read: Iran) began again attacking ships coming through the waters off of Yemen, and Trump launched attacks to send a message: Lay off the global shipping lanes.

The United States and the Houthis have apparently come to an agreement after the Houthis were battered by U.S. fighter jets, whereby the Houthis would stop interrupting the global shipping corridors—a key component to getting the global economy back on track. Where is Israel in this equation? The same place it was before Washington began attacking the Houthis. Israel has never relied on others to fight its wars, nor should it. But shared threats call for shared responses when global commerce and regional stability are at stake. Having the United States attack the Houthis was an amazing sight for all Israelis, but American troops were not there for the Israelis but to stop the Houthis from attacking the shipping lanes.

Lastly, there is nonstop chatter about the Saudi normalization talks with the United States. Reports say that Washington is seeking a deal that does not include Israel, but again, there is very little that is known about the situation. Israel has had an active and productive relationship with the Saudis for many years, primarily focused on security cooperation. The Saudi Kingdom clearly wants to normalize relations with Israel and the United States, getting the most out of the Abraham Accords framework. The question, then, is: What price will the Saudis demand Israel pay vis à vis the Palestinians?

If normalization comes at the price of conceding to a Palestinian state, then Israel must walk away. Strengthened U.S.-Saudi ties can proceed independently. But the United States can still improve its economic and security relationship with the Saudis. These are two separate issues. Of course, if Trump and Netanyahu can find a way to leverage the complex situation to forge a strong trilateral deal between the three nations, all the better. America, however, should not wait for any other nation to strengthen its own security and economic interests. Israel should rest assured, however, that the opportunity to make a strong deal with the Saudis is beneficial to the United States, Saudi Arabia and Israel alike. The deal will come, now or later.

Trump will stand apart in U.S. history as the most unapologetically pro-Israel president, backing the Jewish state with unmatched clarity, consistency and action. At press time, American-Israeli hostage Eden Alexander, 21, is being released from the Hamas dungeons in Gaza to the Americans, thanks to Trump. But he is not the president of Israel. He will move to make foreign-policy decisions that advance the national security, economic and political interests of the United States.

There is no question that Trump understands that a strong, safe Israel is a key component of America’s national security interest. Israel must take decisive military action against its enemies now, without waiting for the United States or any other ally to do it for them.

So, everyone needs to take a deep breath. Ask the tough questions. But be realistic. Remember, the situation in the Middle East is as complex as it has ever been. Let’s trust the process and remember that the team that the president has in place for his Mideast policy, led by U.S. Secretary of State Marco Rubio and others, is truly a dream team. Of course, I am watching closely and intently, as we stand at no less than the crossroads of history, and the situation is moving at the speed of Trump.

The opinions and facts presented in this article are those of the author, and neither JNS nor its partners assume any responsibility for them.
Topics