U.S. President Joe Biden has approved more than $34 billion in military aid since the war in Gaza began. That is in addition to the previously approved $4 billion per year in regular foreign assistance and the special $1 billion agreement to replenish Iron Dome interceptors in 2021. Still, critics of the president continue to make ludicrous arguments that he does not want to see Israel defeat Hamas. Some, like Sen. Ted Cruz (R-Texas), have gone so far as to label him the most anti-Israel president.
As evidence, they point to Biden’s decision to embargo the delivery of 2,000-pound bombs that the administration feared would cause unnecessary civilian casualties if used by the Israel Defense Forces in operations in Rafah, the southernmost part of the Gaza Strip. The administration is also accused of slowing the delivery of other weapons systems. This may have been true, though officials denied it, but The Wall Street Journal reported the administration also sped up the flow of different arms, airlifting them directly to Israel and using emergency rules to bypass Congress. Between Oct. 7 and March, The Washington Post reported that more than 100 sales had been approved for Israel.
While Biden faced pressure from progressives to cut off aid entirely, he resisted, lobbying successfully against recent legislation initiated by Sen. Bernie Sanders (I-Vt.) aimed at forcing his hand.
While Biden went along with the U.S. State Department on withholding those bombs—much as President Harry Truman acceded to the “striped-pants boys” call for an arms embargo during Israel’s War of Independence—he overruled two other efforts to undermine Israel’s defense.
In February, a national security memo was issued requiring recipients of U.S. weapons to ensure that the weapons were used according to international law and that the delivery of U.S. humanitarian assistance was not impeded. The memo was clearly aimed at Israel. Some State Department officials hoped it would lead to the end of arms transfers, but Israel provided satisfactory assurances, and military aid continued uninterrupted. This month, former diplomats advised some Palestinians and their American relatives to file a lawsuit accusing the department of ignoring the law and asking the courts to intervene.
In October, the secretaries of state and defense wrote to Israel’s ministers of defense and strategic affairs, warning Israel to address Gaza’s humanitarian crisis within 30 days or risk a reevaluation of aid. Israel took steps to meet their demands but fell short. Aid was not withheld.
The scope of American aid extends beyond dollars. U.S. intelligence, military assets and strategic support have been invaluable. Imagine how much more death and destruction Israel might otherwise have suffered. Contrast this with 1967 when Lyndon Johnson embargoed arms to Israel and sent the USS Liberty to spy on it.
Israel has always prided itself on defending itself without American help. That was largely true in the past (save for the 1973 Yom Kippur War, when Israel needed a U.S. airlift for supplies) but not today. Even now, a U.S.-manned THAAD missile battery is deployed in Israel to defend against a missile attack from Iran.
The quantity and quality of arms provided by Biden has been unprecedented. True, the administration tried to use arms deliveries as leverage in hopes of restraining some operations and improving humanitarian conditions in Gaza, but Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu has boasted he ignored American pressure. Some Biden critics have tried to have it both ways, claiming that the president’s pressure has impeded Israel’s operation while accepting Netanyahu’s assertion.
Ironically, several articles published before the war argued that Israel should give up military assistance. Their principal argument was that dependence on American aid limited Israel’s autonomy by making it subject to U.S. blackmail. If you believe Netanyahu, Israel was not deterred by threats to withhold aid. Though Israel is now taking steps to lessen that dependence by financing more domestic weapons development, the war has reinforced Israel’s need for U.S. assistance to ensure it has the resources to defend the country (e.g., Iron Dome and Arrow were developed and continue to be supported by military aid; the recently passed defense bill includes $500 million for U.S.-Israel missile-defense cooperation) and go on offense (the $20 billion aid package provides money for 50 fighter jets) against its enemies.
Critics of Biden’s policies often imply that Israel is entitled to unlimited aid, framing any reduction or delay as hostility. Some have inverted the argument made frequently by American officials that they know what is best for Israel. These Biden critics assert that Israel knows better than Americans what is in the U.S. national interest. This does not mean the president is always right; his policy towards Iran, for example, has allowed the Iranians to inch closer to developing nuclear weapons.
Like Netanyahu, Biden also must consider domestic politics. The president, and later vice president, was nevertheless attacked for alarm over the Arab vote in the swing state of Michigan. Biden made some remarks regarding the Palestinian plight in Gaza in recognition of their concerns but rejected their calls to demand a ceasefire and cut aid to Israel. He knew that abandoning Israel was contrary to U.S. interests and that nothing short of that would appease the progressives. Ultimately, Harris was defeated in Michigan and every other swing state for a myriad of reasons, but Biden’s support for Israel was nowhere near the top of the list.
Unquestionably, Arabists and certain Democrats do not have Israel or America’s best interests at heart; some are even sympathetic to the terrorists’ goals, but “the most anti-Israel president in history” does not take any of the steps Biden has to support Israel in this time of need.
Will Trump provide as much or more financial aid and U.S. military support to Israel than Biden? We will soon find out.