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Iran’s anti-Israel law: Desperation masquerading as legislation

The new Iranian law banning all contact with the “Zionist enemy,” however indirect, reflects the chaos within the regime.

The Iranian Majlis, Jan. 16, 2013. Credit: Mahdi Sigari via Wikimedia Commons.
The Iranian Majlis, Jan. 16, 2013. Credit: Mahdi Sigari via Wikimedia Commons.
Ofira Seliktar and Farhad Rezaei

Iran’s Majlis recently passed a law titled, “Countering Israel’s Actions” (Tarhe Moghabele ba Eghdamat Israel). Describing Israel as a virulent and malign state, the legislation seeks to criminalize virtually all interaction with the “Zionist enemy,” however insignificant.

Some of the law’s provisions are straightforward and have been observed by the regime for most of its existence. For instance, political agreements, negotiations, or even exchanges of information “with official and unofficial Israeli entities” are banned, as are all commercial, academic and cultural activities.

However, in a novel move, the new law criminalizes all indirect forms of interaction. Entities that “work for the goals of the Zionist regime and international Zionism all over the world” and companies in which “over half of the shares belong to Israeli citizens” are included in the ban. Furthermore, hardware and software developed in Israel or by companies that have production branches in Israel are forbidden.

Both these provisions will be daunting to implement. Should Iran actually apply this clause of the law, it will end up in the digital equivalent of the Stone Age.

Clearly, in issuing such a sweeping boycott of the “Zionist entity” the regime did not consider its unintended consequences. The widespread domestic pushback against the law has made this quite clear.

For example, the law originally banned Iranian athletes from participating in competitions with Israeli athletes, which contradicts international sports conventions. Iran’s Ministry of Sport, which feared the country would be banned from international sports, lobbied the government to drop that article from the final version. Users of the iPhone, too, were quick to register their dismay at having their phones criminalized.

On a more comical note, organizers of anti-Israel events at which Israeli flags are routinely burned complained that because the legislation outlaws the manufacture of Israeli flags or other symbols, they will now be forced to import these items.

Even by the shoddy standards of the Majlis, this  law stands out. Its provisions are either unrealistic or impossible to implement without devastating Iran’s technological base. The legislation is high on symbolic posturing, including the announcement that Iran plans to open a “virtual embassy” in Jerusalem to protect the Palestinians (a belated response to the American decision to move its embassy there), but rather than advancing Iran’s anti-Israel agenda, the law reveals the regime’s weakness and internal chaos.

The law was born of the personal desperation of Muhammad Ali Pormohtar, a hardline Majlis deputy, and his colleague Muhammad Azizi, both of whom are facing serious corruption charges. Pormohtar, a former high-ranking Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps (IRGC) officer, has been charged with money laundering through the Seke Thaman gold trading company to the tune of $3 billion. Azizi has been accused of “disruption in the automobile market,” a reference to his hoarding of 17,000 cars for future resale. Azizi was sentenced to 61 months in prison and Pormohtar is expected to stand trial after his immunity expires at the end of the current parliament’s term.

Apparently, these two individuals sponsored the bill to curry favor with Ebrahim Raisi, the hardline head of the judiciary. Because Israel-bashing is essentially risk-free, Ali Larijani and the other deputies jumped on the bandwagon, passing the bill with no objections. Supreme Leader Ali Khamenei gave the law his blessing, and the IRGC duly declared it to be a potent weapon in the fight against the “Zionist enemy.”

The internal workings of the regime reek of desperation at the national level, and this absurd legislation exemplifies that desperation. The regime, already battered by a catastrophic economic situation, mismanaged the COVID-19 epidemic and is facing the danger of a full complement of United Nations sanctions. The United States has threatened to extend the arms embargo due to expire in October 2020. The disastrous downing of a Ukrainian passenger airliner and sinking of a vessel during a training exercise in the Gulf’s waters were national humiliations. A cyber-attack on Shahid Rajee port in Bandar Abbas, allegedly carried out by Israel in response to an Iranian cyber-attack on its water infrastructure, severely disrupted its operation.

Ironically, the anti-Israel law has piled more misery on the beleaguered mullahs. It is well known that the public has little faith in the regime and even less hope that things will get better. Public protests have been violently put down by the IRGC and its brutal auxiliary, the Basij.

Enforcing the more outlandish provisions of the legislation would be even more damaging to the government’s standing. Under the law, possessing an iPhone, for example, carries a potential five-year jail sentence. Although no one expects mass arrests over electronics, it is telling that the IRGC, by supporting the bill, threw all caution to the wind.

Their strategy was quite simple. Having the benefit of frequent internal polling, the IRGC determined that the regime has lost its legitimacy, making coercion the only viable ruling alternative. Although the clerics serve as a front, by all accounts Iran has become a military dictatorship. Because the IRGC is so deeply entrenched in the economic and social fabric of Iranian society, it might even survive a democratic revolution, the preferred model of regime change advocates. Rather than challenge it frontally, the IRGC would try to hollow the new system out, leaving a thin facade of respectability.

Ofira Seliktar is Professor Emerita at Gratz College, Pennsylvania.

Farhad Rezaei teaches political science at York University in Toronto.

This article was first published by the Begin-Sadat Center for Strategic Studies.

The opinions and facts presented in this article are those of the author, and neither JNS nor its partners assume any responsibility for them.

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