Eliav Benjamin has served as the deputy chief of mission at Israel’s embassy in Washington, D.C., for over two years. Prior to that, he headed the Middle East Bureau of Israel’s Foreign Ministry. As director of the Coordination Department in the Director General’s Bureau, he was extensively involved with developing the Abraham Accords. He also served as deputy consul general of Israel in the Consulate General in Shanghai, China, and as counselor for political affairs at the Israeli embassy in Washington.
In a sit-down with JNS in Washington, Benjamin discussed the potential expansion of the Abraham Accords, the ongoing diplomatic efforts to secure the release of the hostages being held by Hamas in Gaza, and the conflict with Iran.
Q: Trump has started naming some of the members of his upcoming administration. Many of them appear to be pro-Israel—what do you think we should expect?
A: …I foresee a very favorable administration toward Israel. We know some of the people. They have been outspoken about the relationship and the importance of the safety and security of Israel, wanting to bring about a more stable region, pushing for stronger relations with all of our neighbors. I think this is a big part of what we will see with all of them.
Q: Do you think we can expect an expansion of the Abraham Accords?
A: I think there is a very good chance to see this. We were very involved with the current administration with trying to expand the accords. Unfortunately, it didn’t happen. We know that President-elect Trump and his administration are going to push for this in a big way, as we will. I very much expect we will be able to see some progress in the region.
Q: In the last year, and since the war started, do you still maintain relations with Arab partners in the region?
A: Absolutely. One of the things that’s important to note is that with all the sensitivities of the war, every single one of those countries has maintained diplomatic relations with Israel. We’ve maintained our presence on the ground, they’ve maintained their presence on the ground. We have had open diplomatic channels with all the countries, as it should be. Naturally, because of the sensitivities, a lot of this was done quietly. Take the United Arab Emirates, for instance—bilateral trade has continued to rise even over this past year.
Q: Do you think these alliances are still strong?
A: I think the foundations are very strong, the relationships, fundamentally, are there. Again, we understand the sensitivities at this time, but it’s there. We all understand the benefits of these relations both in fighting for the good but also pushing back on the threats that we have collectively in the region as well.
These are relationships we all see collectively as strategic relationships, and we realized there would be obstacles and speed bumps on the way. This is one hell of a speed bump, but we’re in it for the long haul, for the better of the people of the region and the world.
Q: Israeli President Isaac Herzog met with President Biden yesterday, what was the main message that Israel brought and what do you think we can expect for the rest of Biden’s mandate?
A: It was a very special visit for President Herzog. I had the honor to help organize and accompany him on two previous visits and meetings with President Biden in the past couple of years. This is the third meeting in about two years in Washington. President Herzog met him of course in Israel when Biden visited, both in July 2022 and soon after the beginning of the war last October. This is their fifth meeting in the past two years, which I think is unprecedented and very special.
This visit was first and foremost to thank President Biden, for his unwavering support just not in the past year but over a lifetime of public activity, and especially for this past year.
President Herzog also presented him with a very special and unique token of appreciation, an archeological artifact from about 2,000 years ago, from the time of the second holy temple in Jerusalem, inscribed with the Hebrew name “Joseph,” to show how deep the roots of the relationship are.
There was a big discussion about the importance of bringing about the release of all the hostages, something that both presidents are highly committed to, as are the rest of the people in Israel. Something which is very deeply rooted for President Biden as well. And of course trying to bring about deals both for ending the war in Lebanon and the war against Hamas. Neither of which we of course initiated. Talking about the threats emanating from Iran. Talking about regional opportunities apropos the Abraham Accords normalization process. All of these were a part of the conversation, which went well beyond the original time that was planned for it. President Biden is a very dear friend of Israel.
Q: What do you think of Biden’s response to Oct. 7?
A: I think he said it and presented it in the clearest way possible, on one hand with his statements but also with his visit to Israel. The first ever sitting U.S. president who came to Israel during wartime, just days after the war started, to show his support.
His very well remembered speech soon after the war started sent a very clear message to Iran and to all the other foes in the region: “Don’t.” His support through the military, stepping up military activity from the U.S. side in the region, through ammunition, intelligence cooperation, hostage issues and negotiations with the other side, all of these things show very clear support from President Biden and his administration.
Q: We see an effort to try and reach a hostage deal before the end of his administration. Do you think it’s possible to do so, and if not what would be the challenges of reaching one under the next administration?
A: Unfortunately, we’ve been here before. We’ve been dealing with this since Oct. 7, trying to bring about the release of the hostages. We’ve fortunately been able to see quite a high number of hostages return home, close to 150 of them, unfortunately a number of them deceased, murdered by Hamas either before or after Oct. 7, and we are continuing that effort and it has been continuing throughout. The U.S. efforts are commendable. It comes from the president through everybody in the U.S. system. Congress as well. There are so many different moving parts in this regard. At the end of the day, ultimately, it’s on Hamas, like everything else.
Ending the war, bringing the end to the situation of Palestinian citizens in Gaza for them to have a better life, is on Hamas, and unfortunately, so is the release of the hostages. At the end of the day, Israel is more than willing to go the extra mile to bring about the release of the hostages while securing our own safety, making sure that Oct. 7 never happens again and that Hamas never governs Gaza again.
All of this is at the end of the day on Hamas. I know of the relentless efforts of the administration and I believe this is part of what President Biden also sees … potentially as his legacy when it comes to the region. He cares about this personally. He has met again with the families of the hostages. It shows how caring he is and passionate, and rightly so, about bringing back the hostages, which is and should be so high on everybody’s agenda.
Q: What are you doing to push for that here in Washington?
A: We are literally knocking on every door, reaching out to everybody that we think may have some influence, making sure it is very high in the public sphere and on the agenda, first so that people don’t forget but also for anybody who has any ability to pressure Hamas to agree to a proper deal to do so.
We are trying through private circles and public domains, reaching out to members of Congress, religious leaders. We’re doing it, the families are doing it, allies are doing it as well, and we will continue.
Unfortunately some of [the hostages we know] are deceased, but it doesn’t matter, it is a moral obligation for us to be able to bring back every single one of them, alive or unfortunately deceased.
Q: There has been a global surge and explosion of antisemitism, we saw it in Amsterdam recently. What is going on here in D.C., what are you doing to curb the rise of antisemitism, especially on U.S. campuses?
A: The exponential rise of antisemitism globally but in the United States in particular is a huge source of concern for us. We are seeing it on campuses, in streets, in places of work, in schools, in places of worship. Jews are worried about walking around with any religious symbols on them. It should not be the case, not in 2024 or 2025 or ever. It shouldn’t even have been the case in the Holocaust, and unfortunately what we saw in Amsterdam last weekend reminds us of the darkest days of the Holocaust.
The administration here came out over a year ago with a strategy to combat antisemitism. The first time ever that such a strategy was put together, getting all the government entities on board to try and deal with this in an organized fashion.
Unfortunately, the strategy was developed before the war, and since the war began it doesn’t seem to have had much of an effect. On the contrary—what we have been seeing on campuses is mind boggling. With all the respect that we have—and we do—for the first amendment and the right for free speech, this went way beyond crossing the line. Jews should be allowed to express themselves and come out and say that being pro-Israel or being a Zionist is part of their identity, but unfortunately it wasn’t the case.
This is something we are working on tirelessly with this administration, with Congress, with of course the support of the Jewish communities but also of the Christian communities and other minority groups.
Antisemitism is a phenomenon which unfortunately isn’t new. It is unique, it doesn’t come close to any other form of hatred with the way it is expressed and conducted. It should not be just another item on the agenda but a very high priority for the administration and for any administration around the world to combat.
We must do so through education, deterrence, law enforcement, teaching what Judaism and what Israel is about. By calling antisemitism what it is, every single act of it, and showing the public that it is punishable as a way to deter others from going about acts of antisemitism.
It really is something that keeps us up at night here at the embassy, and we all face this in so many different ways. Each time, antisemitism unfolds in a different way, but I think we are at a peak that I don’t know that we’ve ever been at before.
Q: The embassy is highly identifiable as Israeli, did you have any sort of protests in the last year?
A: The embassy is very identifiable. We don’t shy away—on the contrary, we are very proud to be here. The embassy has been here for over 40 years. It’s become a fortress, with security being stepped up because since Oct. 7, we’ve had protests, and violent ones as well.
Since the end of February we’ve had an ongoing, 24/7 demonstration outside with protesters calling us baby killers, a “genocide state,” badmouthing not just the State of Israel but the people of Israel, the ambassador himself, employees, following employees, filming them, harassing them, to the extent that people couldn’t come by foot for six months. They had to come in and out by convoy.
We have been working very closely with law enforcement and the administration here in D.C. to help protect our people and make sure no harm is done, but unfortunately, we’ve sustained this for months, including acts which could have been acts of terrorism.
They don’t really care about Palestinians, they just come out with slogans without even understanding what it means, they are unwilling to have any conversation. As far as we are concerned these people should be stopped, should be prevented and educated. I am willing to hold conversations and even have arguments, but they are unwilling to do so.
Q: The head of the International Atomic Energy Agency was in Tehran last week. Are you planning with the next administration to push for a stricter policy regarding Iran?
A: When we look at Iran, we should all be looking at three elements: Iran’s race to acquire nuclear military capabilities; its involvement in terrorism including through proxies in the region and worldwide; and what is going on in Iran internally, what they are doing to their own people, murdering them, harassing them, hanging them, decapitating them just because they dare to speak up.
On each of these issues we should all collectively fight as strongly as possible to get Iran to change. We have nothing against the Iranian people, the issue is the regime, which has been holding its own people hostage since 1979. Iran has wreaked havoc, instilling a sense of fear in their own people and threatening not just Israel but the rest of the world.
We are facing seven military fronts, all of them backed by Iran, and that’s something which we saw with their unprovoked attack on Israel twice. Fortunately, we have been able to decapitate some of their proxy forces, whether it’s Hamas or Hezbollah, and some of the others as well, and we will continue doing so.
On the nuclear program, there is no secret that both Israel and the United States have been very clear on the necessity to prevent Iran from reaching nuclear military capabilities. The only way that Iran will be deterred and can be deterred and will walk away from this endeavor is by exerting as much pressure on them as possible. I have no doubt that the incoming administration sees eye to eye with us on this. We had in the past the “maximum pressure” campaign, with sanctions that crippled Iran’s capabilities and made them understand there was a real price to their economy if they continued on this path. We need to make sure that we double down on that. The nuclear threat is not just against Israel, it’s against everybody else and their own people.
Q: You mentioned Israel’s progress in the last year in decapitating Hezbollah and Hamas leadership. What is your vision of the new Middle East?
A: The vision is of the real integration of Israel in the region. For years, it was always Israel and the Middle East. Over the past four years, it’s Israel in the Middle East, which is the way that it should be. The whole Middle East and North Africa (MENA) region is our natural place, and this is something to continue to build on and deepen the relations, not just on the military, defense and intelligence sides of things and not just between leaders, but as we have done between Israel and Morocco, Israel and Bahrain, Israel and the UAE, between the people.
This happens through business, culture and tourism. We get to know each other, and understand that we all have the same blood, the same objectives for better and for worse, the same set of issues and very similar cultures.
Whether it takes a day, a month, a year or a decade, we will get there, so why not get there faster, as we did four years ago, and build on this and expand also with our Palestinian neighbors? Nothing should come at their expense, on the contrary—they are our immediate neighbours and we would like those relations to develop as well.
Q: Could you talk a little bit about the projects you have going on with Jewish organizations and the community in D.C.?
A: One of our objectives in Israel’s foreign policy is strengthening the relationship with the Jewish diaspora and Jewish communities around the world, especially in the United States, where we have the largest community outside of Israel.
We are talking about roughly six or seven million Jews in the United States, which might seem small by proportion to the rest of Americans but who are nonetheless very prominent, very strong with their American and their Jewish identity and strong with their sense of relationship with Israel.
We are working across the country with Jewish federations, organizations, communities, congregations and individuals especially in the past year, as we talked about combating antisemitism and showing gratitude for their support of the State of Israel.
They have stepped up in a phenomenal way with their financial support, with their volunteering in Israel, with solidarity missions coming to Israel, with solidarity events they have been holding for the families of evacuees from the Gaza envelope and the north, families of victims from Oct. 7 and so on. We see this across the country. Every single event we do we try to do it in collaboration with different Jewish organizations and groups, because the idea is to reach out to everybody, regardless of their religious denomination or affiliation, and we definitely don’t look at political views.
I just finished a meeting preparing for our annual Hanukkah event, one of our flagship events. Naturally, it’s all in the shadow of the war following Oct. 7 so we are trying to find the right balance. But this is something we will do by incorporating a very large constituency of the Jewish community around here and giving them a stage, highlighting their activity over the past year.
We just concluded the Jewish Federations of North America’s General Assembly. Everybody came together as they do once a year, each time at a different location in the United States, and every five years in Israel. So this time it was in D.C., and they talked about politics, education, Holocaust remembrance, combating antisemitism and the continuity of the Jewish community.
Such a large percentage of the Jewish community is unaffiliated, and part of our collective task is to get them affiliated to Judaism, their heritage, their culture and their roots and to Israel. Part of this also goes through Congress, with legislation, whether it’s to safeguard and secure the communities, highlight their contribution to America or also by combating antisemitism.
One of the big tools we work on at the state, county and municipal levels is the adoption of the International Holocaust Remembrance Alliance (IHRA)’s working definition of what antisemitism is. Something which has been adopted by many countries around the world and is being led also by U.S. Ambassador Deborah Lipstadt.
There are over 30 states in the United States that have adopted this definition, as well as counties and corporations. We see antisemitism being dealt with, but unfortunately it’s never enough, and we can’t allow anybody to take their foot off the pedal on this, both on the left and right. This crosses the political spectrum.
Q: Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu has named a new Israeli ambassador to the United States. Can you speak of the challenges he will encounter here in D.C.?
A: Within a week, we’ve had both a new ambassador named by Israel and a new ambassador to Israel named by President-elect Donald Trump, which is of course a natural thing given the change of administration. Each ambassador comes in and helps build another brick, strengthening these unique and special relations between the countries. They each bring their own personality, their background, their connection and passions, which is the way it should be.
We should all look forward to receiving Ambassador Yechiel Leiter, who comes from an American background, having been born in the United States. He knows what we have on the table and the importance of the relationship. It’s a special time for our relations, and I think having a new ambassador come in will bring about new opportunities, new projects.
Ambassador Herzog has been doing a phenomenal job here in the past three years. Both the people of Israel and of the United States should be grateful for his work and dedication. He has been extremely successful in strengthening relations.
I have no doubt that our incoming ambassador will continue down that path.